This Ain’t Your Father’s Tanker War

Navy warship with guns facing forward

No, the U.S. can’t escort tankers in the Persian Gulf today as it did during the 1980s Tanker War.

Back in the 80s, the U.S. swooped into a regional conflict where attacks on shipping were limited, and the Strait remained open. Neither of those is the case with the Iran War. The U.S. Navy has fewer ships today than it did back then, so widespread protection is a much different conversation (especially with thousands of commercial ships trapped). And of course, modern warfare has evolved. We’re dealing with drones and missiles that leave the U.S. Navy much more vulnerable.

You add all that up, and we’re looking at a very different Tanker War than the one your daddy saw in the 80s. So, the only path forward is likely a political one.

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Transcript

Morning everybody, from a foggy Colorado. Today we’re taking a question from the Patreon crowd specifically why the US can’t escort tankers and civilian ships like them to and from the Persian Gulf like we did back in the 1980s during the Tanker war? Well, three big differences. Number one, first, the nature of the conflict. 

The last time around in the tanker war, the United States was a late comer. It was originally a conflict that was a subset of the Iran-Iraq War of 1980 to 1988, and by the time we got to the town of that conflict, both sides were trying to destroy the other’s economic opportunities. And since they lacked the military capability to make a meaningful pushes towards oil production, they went after concentrations like the tankers. 

And so you had Iraqi aircraft that were Iranian tankers, and the Iranians would use a combination of surface ships, speedboats and missiles like the Chinese Silkworm to go after Iraqi and everyone else in the street was just kind of caught in the crossfire. 

Most of the damage done, most of the attacks were in the northern part of the Gulf, where most of the was originally exported. And so the United States came in with an aircraft carrier battle group, put it in the Gulf along with multiple task forces. And at any time involving 40 to 80 ships and some ships like Kuwaiti tankers would be reflagged and others would just be escorted in. Each cluster typically had five destroyers and a number of Coast Guard cutters assigned to it, and they would go in big convoys. 

That’s all different this time. This time it’s a direct conflict between the United States and Iran. And Iran has chosen shutting down the strait as a direct means of attack in the United States has chosen shutting down Iranian shipments as a direct means of attack. So unlike last time when the strait itself was open and the Iranians and the Iraqis were selective in their targets, now are on is willing to attack, pretty much anything in the United States is blocking all shipments from all Iranian ports. 

So that’s the first big difference. The nature of the conflict is very, very, very different. Second, the the nature of the US Navy is very, very different. Back then the United States had a 500 plus ship Navy. Today we’re under 300. And while today ships are faster and tougher and far more lethal, they are fewer in number. And so putting as many vessels into the Persian Gulf is just not an option. 

Also, something that was present back then was the Coast Guard. But the Coast Guard has been steadily whittled down over the course of the last 40 years and doesn’t have enough ships to spare. In addition, the US ships that are involved are tend to be larger and tougher, and if they’re going to slow down in order to convoy, that’s a bit of a problem. 

So remember, there were like 60 ships at any given time that were part of the escort effort last time. Today we only have 60 destroyers, and half of those at any given time are designed to protect the carriers and United States under Donald Trump, I think, wisely, has chosen to not put a carrier in the Gulf. Yes, you would be able to use closer munitions that are cheaper and easier to replace, and that’s our very real consideration. 

But it also means that a carrier could be attacked by the third difference, which is a new generation of warfare. Back then, Iran was only emerging. I was on the tail end of a really long, grueling war with Iraq. Its weapons choices were somewhat limited. You had the Chinese silkworms that had a range of about 50 miles and 1,000 pound warhead, and the Persian Gulf isn’t 50 miles wide. So it was pretty easy for something like a carrier to be over the horizon, be basically immune to anything that the Iranians can do. That’s not where we are anymore. Today’s drones might need GPS targeting, but we now have a series of things called super heads, which don’t, which means that they can choose their own target when they get close. 

And if there was a carrier in the Gulf, I can guarantee you that the United States would be under constant missile bombardment. And as we’ve seen with the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf, the U.S. is basically run out of interceptors, and the ability to protect its own ships would be limited. Over the weekend, when we saw the first effort by the United States to escort vessels, that was really the first time we’d seen major surface combatants from the United States in the Gulf at all. 

In this conflict, we’ve been doing everything at arm’s length. That means we’re running out of long range munitions, which is a problem. But it also underscores the degree to which that this is contested space now. And the United States can’t just sail in and break it open. In addition, when we did this in the 1980s, you were talking about typically 11 ships at a time as part of the convoy group. 

There’s 2000 ships trapped in the Gulf right now. So we’ve got different ships. It’s a different kind of conflict. We don’t have the numbers, and the numbers that need to be moved are just massive. The only way to open the Gulf is with a political solution with Tehran. And again, talks have yet to begin on that topic. 

About the only good news I can give you is that we’re now seeing early signs that the Iranians are starting to shut in oil production because they don’t have anywhere to put it. Just keep in mind that the Iranians do consume a couple million barrels a day themselves, and that will never get shut in. So they can be selective about what they’re shutting in. 

It’s not like you just flip a switch tomorrow and all of a sudden they’re out of money. But for the first time in the conflict, we are now seeing economic pressure on the elements of the regime that are making the security decisions. That is encouraging conversation. Those conversations just haven’t really started yet. The biggest takeaway is that the United States is the world’s most powerful navy, with the best projection power in human history, and we now know for the mix of geographic reasons and economic reasons and technical reasons, that the US Navy no longer has the ability to impose a strategic reality on a local basis against a to be perfectly blunt, fourth rate security power. This is a big change in how the world works. It is very, very, very easy to deny civilian access now. And it is very, very difficult to restore it. And you can play this specific scenario out on almost any place in the Eastern hemisphere. And it’s difficult to see the US Navy doing any better. So if we do get into a fight with a real country in the future, we should count on those waterways being closed for at least the duration of the fighting.

Markets Flash Back to the Past

Stock market candlesticks trending upwards

Before you get too excited, NO, I’m not giving away any financial advice. However, whatever the global markets are doing right now doesn’t match the physical reality of the Iran war.

We’re seeing major disruptions, yet prices and trading patterns reflect high confidence that everything is fine. That’s far from the truth. A quarter of globally traded oil is gone. Key industrial inputs are gone. Refineries in Europe and Asia are stuttering due to supply issues. Commercial and strategic inventories have been tapped.

The discrepancy comes from the way markets are designed; they’re meant to respond to marginal changes, not a catastrophic loss in production capacity. Markets just don’t know how to factor that in and price it appropriately. And sooner or later, reality is going to catch up to everyone…

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Transcript

Hey, all Peter Zeihan here, coming to you from Colorado. Today we’re going to do something a little different and talk about markets. Don’t worry, there’s no trading advice in this. I don’t do that. But markets have been very, very strange since the Iran wars started. They’ve been gyrating but really have not shown any understanding of the threat that we have been facing. 

We have roughly one quarter of all internationally traded oil that floats on the water that has not simply been disrupted, but is gone. Even if the war were to end the second, most of that’s not going to come back on before the end of the year. Some of it will be gone for a couple of years. That’s before you consider natural gas or alumina or aluminum or fertilizer or the various products that come out of gutters, natural gas processing facilities, these things, these things are gone. 

We now have a weapon system in place that has a reliable range of 600 miles, which is triple what they need in order to disrupt things on the other side of the Gulf. They are difficult to jam, they are difficult to intercept. And with the technologies in place and in existence at the time, it can’t be done at cost in any sort of reasonable cost. 

The markets are pretending to themselves that we are simply hours away from peace and going back to things as they were before, and with every Trump troop social post, we get gyrations up and then something like, say, the United States hijacking a supertanker comes along and we barely get a response. This degree of retardation in the markets makes very little sense to me. 

And then I thought about it a little bit more. It is because the markets are being presented with something they’ve never been presented with before. You see, since 1945, we’ve had a globalized system where the United States upholds what makes it all work. And I remember that whenever I walk into a room full of finance people explaining that the world after 1945 is based on American security guarantee, this is something that surprises them. 

In the United States, the idea that economics for the US is a subset of security is something that really never gets processed, and the financial crowd is arguably either the top or the second most globalized of America’s industries. So for them, the idea that the entire underpinning of their sector is now gone is something that really takes a while to get their mind around. 

And so the money keeps flowing. So stock markets are stable to up all prices despite the gyrations have been trading within a reasonable band. And we haven’t seen anything like the disruptions in oil markets like that we saw back in 2007 at the dawn of that financial crisis, and those disruptions were largely non-existent. The ones now are permanent. 

So what is going on here for real, and what should we expect? Well, let me give you a few items. Just kind of file away in the back of your head. Number one, we are seeing reduced refinery runs across Europe and across East and southern Asia. This is not demand destruction. Demand destruction is when prices reach a certain point that people change their economic activity because they can’t afford the energy or what product, whatever it happens to be, that’s not what we’re seeing. 

We’re nowhere near those 2007 highs that triggered real demand destruction. And that’s before you consider inflation index terms were barely half of that level. No, the refineries aren’t slowing down operations because there’s no demand. They’re slowing down operations because there’s no feedstock. We’ve had such a deep and ongoing disruption to energy outflows from the Gulf that over half a trillion barrels of crude now have not been produced, have not been shipped to port, have not been loaded on tankers, have not sailed out of the Strait of Hormuz, have not gone to their end destinations. 

Which means that if we’re seeing refinery runs reduced, it’s not just that there’s not enough crude making it out of the Gulf, it’s that the crude oil reserves of the various companies and countries are being depleted to the point that it’s affecting refinery operations. We’re also seeing already reductions in things in shipping, most notably diesel. In the case of trucks in places like Australia or China or Europe, and jet fuel pretty much everywhere except for the United States. 

That means that these shortages aren’t just a throughput issue. They’re not just a reserve issue. It’s a commercial inventory of refined product issue. And that sort of breakdown is something we have never seen in the post-World War II environment, not once. And markets don’t know how to price that, because how do you price a barrel of crude that is never produced in the first place? 

What modern markets do is they look for price signals, slight changes in supply or demand from this market or that market or that subsector, whatever it happens to be. And then the price of crude adjusts around that, and that provides forward price signaling for things like producers. We are not seeing that because that is not happening. We have seen a gross dislocation of the structure of production and transport, and they don’t know how to price that. 

Under normal circumstances, higher prices would stimulate more production. But most fields take somewhere between 4 and 11 years to come online. In the United States, that has shrunk down because of the shell revolution to weeks to months. But that just is at the wellhead. If you want to export crude to a world that can’t get enough of it. 

Well, then you need export infrastructure. And you don’t do that in a day or in a month or in a year. Which means at some point in this year, we have a fundamental break between the reality of what’s going on in the ground with energy and this facsimile that exists in the financial markets. What we’ll look on the other side of that break, don’t know. 

But two things. Number one, it’s coming soon because we’re reaching the point. There just isn’t enough product to carry out normal activity. And number two, I can guarantee you it’s going to involve rationing. And rationing is not something the market does well. That’s something that requires government intervention. And when that happens the question is what our markets what is their purpose then it’s supposed to be about the efficient allocation of capital. 

But that’s not the world we’re about to be in. We’re going to be in a world of absolute energy scarcity and the financial markets arguably not going to be a player in that. Now, whether that’s a buy or sell trade, I will leave up to you. I don’t think it really matters at this point. One of the things that most people forget is over the long run of global history and the period before World War two, it was the nature of almost every market in existence to ultimately go to zero, as the foundations that allowed it to exist broke. Well, get ready return to the past later this year.

The Iran War Approaches a Tipping Point

Missiles with Iranian flags on them

The Iran war is approaching a painful tipping point this week. Global energy flows remain in a chokehold, and economic conditions are worsening worldwide.

This week’s shift will be caused by Iran’s oil storage reaching capacity. Once that happens, Iran will have to shut in wells, which will cause long-term damage to production capacity. The fallout from that will be sure to get the IRGC riled up.

Now that the real decision-makers will feel the pressure, there will be an opening for policy change. The outcome, however, remains uncertain.

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Transcript

Hey, all. Peter Zeihan here coming to you from Nashville. You are going to see this video on Monday the 27th. And this week is going to be a big week in the Iran war. We’re in this painful economic state where both the Iranians and the United States are blockading traffic in and out of the Strait of Hormuz, which has caused any number of problems downstream, whether it’s jet fuel shortages or just general economic dislocation, it’s bad. 

It’s getting worse. It will continue to get worse for months. This is not something we’re going to fix this year or probably even next year. But for the first time, by the end of this week, the people in Iran who matter will finally feel some pain. One of the aspects of the American blockade is to make sure that the Iranians cannot get crude out. 

Now, normally, Iran only exports about a million barrels a day, but based on buffers in their storage system at a place called Kharg Island, they can surge out if they have stuff that’s already on site. What that does mean, however, is that once the blockade is in, that storage starts to fill up. Most people estimate that they have between 30 and 35 million barrels of storage and Kharg. 

And that’s really all the storage they have in the country for crude. And now that we’ve had the blockade in place for quite a bit, we’re probably going to see that storage hit full capacity this week, probably on Thursday or Friday, which means for the first time, it’s not an issue of short term income disruption. It’s a question of the Iranians then having to forcibly shut in their wells. 

You see, it’s one thing to cut off their day to day income for a few days, a few weeks, a few months, a few years, whatever happens to be if they know they can ultimately still get it out. But if you clog up the system and prevent exports completely, then they have to shut in wells, and those wells will never come back on in the same way. 

And they might have to do some redrawing, which means a long term degradation of their capacity to generate income at all over the years to come. Now, the people who are calling most of the shots right now are with the IRGC. That’s the paramilitary organization that enforces security, that controls the missile force that has been doing most of the drone attacks, and they make their money by a combination of smuggling and oil sales. 

So for the first time in this war, they actually have a reason to change policy. Is that something that is going to happen? You know, who knows. But this is the first time they will actually feel pain. And if there is going to be something that the Trump administration is going to do to take advantage of that, we get the beginnings of that strategy by the end of this week. 

Way too soon to suggest that there’s going to be success or failure in any particular direction. But this is the first thing that the United States has done for long enough that matters to the people who are actually making the decisions.

Iran War Winners and Losers: North American Energy

Satellite view of north american lights and energy

As Persian Gulf and Russian exports collapse, global prices will rise, which should benefit the U.S. and Canada. However, if exports are halted to keep gasoline prices down, then North America would become oversupplied. This would effectively cap oil prices near production costs, despite the rest of the globe facing shortages and rising prices.

This means the producers wouldn’t see much upside, with refiners becoming the only real winners (even though they still have to retool to use that domestic light crude).

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Transcript

Hey all, Peter Zeihan here, coming to you from Colorado. And today we’re doing another one of our Open-Ended series on winners and losers in the Iran war. And today we’re talking about energy markets, specifically in North America, where the two big players are the American shale patch and Canadian producers primarily, although not exclusively, in Alberta. All right, first things first. Let’s get an understanding from where we were the day before the war. 

U.S. shale output is at record levels, and by itself is the single largest producer of crude in the world. But most of that crude is light and sweet. The issue is that in shale formations, there’s not a big pool of crude for you to stick a straw into. It’s tiny, microscopic little packs, and so you drill into it, inject liquid which cracks the rock. You inject sand, which then goes into the cracks. You pull the water out and the sand keeps the cracks propped open. So the facility then generates its own pressure as this stuff drains up. And because of that, the oil never migrated through a rock formation. So it’s very pure. It’s, very light, very sweet, low viscosity. 

Canada’s oil sands are very different. It’s basically Bitterman, or oil sand where you’ve got a relatively porous rock and the petroleum is migrated through a lot to kind of almost make it a sludgy gel. So it’s very thick and very heavy, and some of the crazy stuff is actually solid at room temperature. So they have to often inject steam in order to make it liquid so they can pump it up. 

Sometimes they literally electrify it, sometimes they strip mine it. Anyway, it’s a lot more energy intensive than what happens with U.S. shale, but in both cases, the cost per barrel is pretty high. It’s rare that it’s, under 30. Sometimes it’s over 60. So in both shale patches and the, Albertan oil sands, if prices are too low for too long, a lot of the work just stops. 

Anyway, on the surface, with having the Persian Gulf go away right now, we’re at 10 to 12 million barrels a day off line. even if the war ends tomorrow, that will remain that way for at least three months, because these fields can’t just be flipped back on. Some of them will take at least two years, probably more. 

And that assumes no additional damage, which, considering the path we’re on right now, is a laughable, scenario. We’re probably looking at the bulk of the 22 million barrels per day that comes out of here never coming back, or at least not within a decade. In that scenario, oil prices have nowhere to go but up and starting strongly, strongly, strongly. 

So. So it would appear that US shale and the Canadian shale patch are big winners here mid term. Because, you know, if the price of oil doubles or more and you production costs don’t change and you have access to the world’s largest market and you’re nowhere near the the shooting, it seems like all positives, right? Wrong. Because when oil prices go up, there’s another piece in play here. 

First the Ukrainians are taking out basically the western half of the Russian oil complex. They’ve already destroyed the ability of the Russians to export through the Baltic. They’re going to be working on the block very soon. That’s at least 3 million barrels a day of Russian crude, maybe as much as five. That simply isn’t going to come back either. 

So we’re looking at Persian Gulf crude and Russian crude disappearing from the market at the same time, which will send prices even higher, which again, is great for Canada shale. Right? Wrong. Because I don’t know if you guys noticed this, but the American president, Donald Trump, is pretty populist. And if we start getting $10 gasoline in places that you know, aren’t California, there’s going to be a bit of a rebellion. 

And this is something that Trump doesn’t have to stretch the law to deal with. Back in 2015, when shale oil was new, there was a big debate in Congress over solar and wind versus oil exports, what was necessary to push the American energy complex forward. And the compromise that was reached was that we would allow oil exports that used to be illegal, and we would subsidize the development of solar and wind, and to make sure that we had a stopgap, the president was given the authority without having to go back to Congress, without having to even have a hearing to end U.S. oil exports if market conditions argued for problems. 

However, he defines that, which means that the 5 million roughly barrels a day of crude that the United States exports right now could go to zero with the stroke of a pen. And if we enter in a situation where the American internal oil market gets really expensive, to the point that it becomes a political problem for Trump and an economic problem for the country, you bet your ass he’s going to do that. 

So now we’re looking at a scenario where Persian Gulf crude and Russian crude and American crude all go offline at the same time, sending prices sky high. So this sounds like it would be great for the Canadians, right? Wrong. Because most of the crude that Alberta produces is shipped south to the United States, and it can really only be refined in refineries that the United States operates. 

They do have a one pipeline that isn’t doing very well, by the way, called Trans Mountain, that goes out west to British Columbia. That one pipeline will obviously be filled up to its capacity in this scenario, and anyone can get the crude out that way. We’ll be able to sell to the global market at a high price. But with that one exception, most of this is actually probably going to be seen energy prices in the United States and Canada going down. 

Because in a scenario where you can’t export, we’re in an environment of super saturation. And as long as you can produce crude in the United States and Canada for $60 a barrel, that’s pretty much as high as prices can go when you’re in such a huge surplus situation. So we get a situation in North America where prices are kind of capped at 60 to 70. 

We get a price situation in the rest of the world where 200 is a good day, and that’s where we are. That doesn’t mean that there are winners in the North American energy complex. It’s just not in production. It’s in processing. You see, the restriction on U.S. exports doesn’t apply to crude, refined products just to raw crude itself. 

So if you operate a refinery and you have export options, you can export your naphtha, your crude or your gasoline, your diesel, whatever it happens to be to the wider market at inflated prices was just one little glitch. U.S. refiners for the last 30 years have steadily retooled their entire complex to run on heavy, sour, imported crude, for example, from Canada. 

But with the United States locking itself off, most non-Canadian sources of heavy crude are simply not going to be available anymore, and they’re going to be forced to deal with the light sweet that comes out of American fields. Now, this can be done. The modifications are easy. They’re actually going to be dumbing down the refineries to run on higher quality crude. 

But in the process of doing that, they’re writing off a lot of capital investment. At the same time, they have to invest in a different kind of fractionated system. It’s not that that’s particularly expensive. It’s not. But that takes a long time. But it is definitely going to cut into the rate in which they can benefit from these situations. 

And in the meantime, they’re probably going to be having runs that are going at significantly lower efficiencies than they would prefer. In the long run. It’ll be great. In the long run, they’ll be making more money, but they have to get to the long run first. So for the first year or two, there’s going to be a lot of stress on their hardware before they can change over some of the infrastructure. 

So again, just as we’ve discussed with almost every other country, the conventional wisdom that a lot of people saw in the first couple of weeks of the conflict really doesn’t apply. As soon as something happens, there’s a reaction and oftentimes it’s the second, third, and even fourth order effects that are the ones that really stick. That’s definitely how it is with this topic.

Bring On the Jet Fuel Shortages

Even if the Iran ceasefire holds, the world already has a months-long jet fuel shortage baked in. So, start saving for those summer vacation flights.

These shortages will hit harder in the Asia-Pacific regions, but everyone will feel the heat. The problem is that Middle Eastern crude from Kuwait, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia (now offline) is ideal for jet fuel…and there’s no real substitute for the product.

Flights well into the future are already being canceled in countries like China, Japan, India, and Australia.

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Transcript

Peter Zeihan, here. Coming to you from Savannah, Georgia, one of my favorite cities in the country. 

Anyway, today we’re talking about one of the after effects of the Iran war. Even if the ceasefire holds, which, we are looking at a months long shortage of jet fuel on a global basis, most heavily concentrated on the South Asian, Southeast Asian, Australasian and Northeast Asian zone. Problem is that jet fuel is very exacting, in terms of its production. Whereas diesel or gasoline have a broader band that you can produce them with in the distillation columns in a refinery. In addition, the type of crude which kind of a medium heavy sour, that is your preferred feedstock for most refineries that make jet fuel, is heavily concentrated. 

Its production in places like Kuwait and Iraq and Saudi Arabia and all that stuff is off line. That was all Gulf facing crude that couldn’t be redirected somewhere else. We’ve now had a half a billion barrels of oil not be produced and delivered. And the refiners have already taken the last delivery from pre-war shipments. 

We’re not going to see new shipments come out in the next 2 to 3 months, minimum. Probably considering that a lot of the stuff is Kuwaiti and Iraqi, for over a year. So that means that we’re already seeing airlines in China and Japan and Australia and New Zealand and the Philippines and Vietnam and India, all canceling flights, not just for like the next few weeks, but the next few months. 

There is no good substitute here, because if you say run low on gasoline, some vehicles can switch to diesel. Or more importantly, the cargo can switch to diesel. And if you run low in diesel, you can always put some of the cargo on trains or on ships. Jet fuel is for jets, and that’s it. So with a relative bottleneck on the feedstock and a relative bottleneck at the refineries and the lack of substitutions, we’re just out. 

And so we’re going to see this cling to the system for at least a year, assuming no new shooting. There will probably be more shooting.

The Blockade of Iran Begins

A US aircraft carrier floating in water with dark storms behind

The blockade of Iran has officially begun. The first day was a bit slow, but this remains a monumental move by the U.S.

The most critical component of the blockade is that it finally puts pressure on the group actually controlling things, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. And since the IRGC gets most of its funding from oil exports and smuggling, the pressure is on.

This is a good thing overall, but it could provoke attacks on nearby Gulf states. And sure, there are several ways to bypass the blockade, but those costly routes add time. A blockade like this can only be effective through sustained enforcement, so we’ll continue to watch the Strait closely.

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Transcript

Hey, all Peter Zeihan here coming to you from Colorado. We are on April 15th now. And so happy tax day. But it also means that we’re in the second full day of the American blockade of the Persian Gulf. Specifically, the United States has said that any ship that is planning to dock at any Iranian port or is coming from any Iranian port is not allowed. 

Passage and naval assets, at least in theory, are in position to, potentially board vessels that decide to run the blockade. In the first day, no one really tried. Really. Only one ship came through ignoring the blockade. The United States didn’t do anything, but it was the first day. So, you know, whatever. That could mean anything moving forward. 

What the Trump administration has done is really, for the first time in the conflict, actually put a price on the powers that be in Iran. You see, when the first waves of attacks went in and the bulk of the Iranian leadership was killed, yes, that killed the current decision makers. But when you’ve got a political class of mullahs, it’s 10,000 people. 

Power just went to the next wave. And when it comes to operating in a war scenario, the people who are making the decisions were the IRGC, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard. These guys operate differently because they don’t necessarily garner their power from control of the military or the economy or taxes. Most of their income comes from either oil sales directly or smuggling. 

So when you’re looking to punish these people, the attacks at the United States and Israel did for five weeks did very, very little to actually hurt them. It destroyed large portions of the aboveground Iranian economy. And in a normal state situation, that could have been crushing. But those weren’t the people that, were running the military strategy at the time or now by blockading the ports, however, the 2 million barrels a day that the IRGC was able to export has now gone to zero. 

And their ability to import product, to then control smuggling networks has gone to zero as well. So whether or not this is on purpose or not, the white House has stumbled across a strategy that actually puts pressure on the people who need to be pressured. There are still a thousand questions about how this will be done, whether it really will be done, or if it’s just a truth social post. 

But the fact that the assets are actually in place now is promising. That promising, however, doesn’t mean it’s going to work. Promising doesn’t mean that it’s going to be sustained long enough to make a difference. And that doesn’t mean that it comes with no side effects. Because if you really do start pressuring these people, they will strike. 

And these are the people who control the bulk of the Iranian missile fleets and all of the drones, and have demonstrated over and over and over and over again that they have more than enough capacity to strike any energy asset on the Arab side of the Persian Gulf. That’s above the west side. 

Anyway, the other reason that the blockade seems to me to be a necessary move is hardware. The Iranians don’t have a huge manufacturing base, and almost all of the parts and all of their missiles and all of their drones come from China. And we were in this weird situation throughout the war where the Chinese could ship whatever components in Iran could import whatever components they wanted. 

But the, the strait was shut down to Allied shipping. Now we’re in a situation where that seems to have finally flipped. There are still plenty of drones, thousands of drones, maybe tens of thousands of drones in Iran. So it’s hardly a short cutoff. But it does matter. 

Now there are two things to keep in mind and to watch for in the days ahead. First of all, maintaining a blockade on the Persian Gulf is pretty easy. You put a few ships across the mouth of the Strait of Hormuz. You can see everything without any sophisticated equipment. That’s the easy part. But Iran does have one port, Chabahar, that is out east in the Gulf of Oman, where it turns into the Arabian Sea just shy of the Pakistani border. 

Chabahar would require a separate naval blockade in order to prevent access. And that means American splitting its forces. Otherwise, you can ship in containers full of drones to and they can be trucked elsewhere in the country. 

Second, there’s nothing about the northern or eastern borders of Iran that can be blockaded because it’s land. 

So the Chinese could, rail or truck stuff through Pakistan or Central Asia into northern or eastern, Iran and get things in that way. Now, that takes longer. That is much more expensive. If they started that process today, the first new components aren’t going to arrive in Iran for about three weeks. And there’s a lot of things can go down in three weeks. 

And a situation where basically both sides have been negotiating in bad faith since the very beginning of this process. But those are the things to watch. The naval side of this for the United States is actually pretty straightforward, even if it does require an extra task force to cover Chabahar. But there we are. 

So, next steps. Watch those two places. Watch to see a second phase of negotiations. Watch to see if either side is willing to give in or not. I think we’re well past the point where Donald Trump can simply declare victory and go home, because if he does that, he basically hands Iran control of the Strait of Hormuz, allows them to continue their nuclear program, allows them to continue supporting militant groups throughout the United States. 

Basically, the United States would be in a worse position in that scenario. In the aftermath of the war than it was before. And so many people are now saying that among the Republican Party that I think it really has sunk in doesn’t mean that there’s a good strategy here. But if there is a path to pressuring Iran to do something different, you have to hit the interests of the IRGC. 

And so far, the blockade is the first thing the United States has done that has done that.

The Energy Crisis: Downstream Impacts

Globe shot of energy hubs

The global energy crisis has moved from theoretical to very real. As the last shipments sent before the war begin to arrive, we are now hitting a turning point in the energy crisis.

Rationing and black markets have already sprung up in Asia. Some countries have found ways around the shortage (for now), but that has created new issues for others. The Europeans will feel the heat in the coming weeks, as oil from both the Gulf and Russia disappears.

The U.S. has also lifted sanctions on Russian and Iranian oil that is already in transit, temporarily easing shortages, but undoing years of work to limit export income for these countries.

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Transcript

Hey all, Peter Zeihan here, coming to you from Colorado. Yesterday we talked about what was going on with energy markets, primarily in the upstream, dealing with disruptions out of Russia and Iran. Short version. It’s pretty bad. It’s getting worse. Now, I wanted to deal with things that are close to the consumer where it’s pretty bad and getting worse. 

It has now been five weeks, which means that there’s a half a billion barrels of crude oil that hasn’t made it to market 

The final tankers from pre-war shipments from the Persian Gulf arrived in all of Asia last week. The final tankers will arrive in Europe this week and starting next week, the disruptions to from what the Ukrainians are doing to Russian oil exports will start to affect Europe as well. 

A mix of things here. Let’s start with who’s feeling what. Because of the shortages in Asia, we already have widespread rationing and the development of black markets. It’s affecting different countries in different ways. So for example, India has gorged on the thin stream of Iranian crude that’s coming out, and the legalization by the Americans of Russian crude that is out and about. 

And that has allowed them to avoid any sort of direct energy crisis as regards to oil and oil derivatives. However, almost all of their cooking, I should say all. But for about half the population, their cooking is done with propane liquefied petroleum gas that is exclusively produced for them in the Persian Gulf. That has gone to zero. And so now they’re seeing an energy shortage in that regard. 

Places like New Zealand and Thailand and Taiwan and the Philippines and Vietnam are all experiencing degree of energy shortages and rationing. And already the country that is most panic and should be is Korea, because their options are very, very limited and they’re a major industrial player in Japan at the moment, is avoiding this largely because they have access to sources from the Western Hemisphere and a navy that can protect them if it comes to that. 

And at the moment, the Chinese are okay, not because they’re not experiencing energy shortage. They absolutely are. But China has an overbuild of refineries. And so part of their economic model was to build refineries, absorb crude from abroad, refined into fuel, and then export that fuel. And so the way the Chinese have avoided an energy crisis is by stop exporting fuel. 

So at the moment China is okay, but those fuel exports now have stopped arriving in various places and countries like Australia, New Zealand, which used to get their fuel from China, their refined fuel suddenly aren’t. So we have a different sort of rationing and energy crisis. In Europe it’s going to hit them from multiple angles, but they do have a little bit more time. 

Like I said, the last tankers from pre-war Persian Gulf exports arrived this week. So it’s only now that the crunch really begins. The problem will be in 2 or 3 weeks, because they have this weird little setup where Russian crude can’t be bought in Europe, but it’s exported somewhere else, refined a product and shipped back. So we’re now starting the fuze on that, and in three weeks the Russians, will basically be a non-factor in European energy. 

At the same time, the Persian Gulf becomes a non-factor in energy. And it’s going to be a mess all around. A couple other things. Number one, there are more ships leaving the Persian Gulf. We saw 20 to 30 on both Saturday and Sunday, which brings up us to about one fifth of pre-war levels. The difference is Oman, which is the country that controls the southern side of the strait. 

Last week we talked about how the Iranians had set up a tollbooth system and were charging about $2 million per vessel and then kind of sort of escorting, ships through the northern part of the Strait of Hormuz in their territory. Oman is now doing the same thing in the south, basically to tankers, ships, whatever they happen to be are either re flagging or changing the trans front doors to say, Omani owned. 

And Oman has always been kind of the neutral power in the Persian Gulf. The Iranians have always kind of considered it in a different basket compared to Kuwait, Bahrain, Gutter and Saudi Arabia. In the UAE, which are more of the American camp. So far, the Iranians have not targeted these Omani vessels. I’m not saying that they this is a safe path. 

It’s not. But it has allowed some ships to get out. I will underline, however, that almost all of the ships that are using this route are leaving. Very, very, very few are coming in. Those that are typically Iranian flagged using the northern route. So of the two 300 ships that were stuck in the Gulf before, some of them are getting out. 

Nobody’s going back in. And that means that the oil production, even if it continued, even if it wasn’t damaged, still has no place to go. Let’s see. Finally, the big achievement of the Trump administration in this war so far in energy markets has been ending. the sanction system on places like Russia and Iran. They have now lifted fully the sanctions on purchasing what’s already on the water. 

And that has allowed basically the last 4 or 5 years of attempts to isolate the Russians in the last 10 to 15 years of attempting to isolate the Iranians economically, to vanish into the ether. If there’s going to be an effort by the United States or any other country to limit the legal access to these crudes, they’re going to have to start completely over. 

So the last 5 to 15 years of efforts to kind of squeeze these economies is now broken. Now there’s plenty of other things, physical damage, for example, that are drastically affecting both of these markets, primarily the Russians. But it is interesting to say that it took a war launched by Donald Trump on Iran in order to make Iranian oil legal again.

Winners and Losers of the Iran War: Ukraine and Russia

Toy soldiers advance across a map with an Iranian flag in the foreground

The Iran war has slashed oil exports from the Persian Gulf, creating a global supply shortage that’s just starting to hit markets. As prices are driven up and broader economic impacts unfold, winners and losers will begin to emerge.

Russia was enjoying the boost in oil revenues until Ukraine took out a chunk of its energy infrastructure with drone strikes. And those strikes don’t look like they’ll stop anytime soon. Russia’s support for Iran is also garnering political backlash that will weaken Putin’s long-term position. Ukraine is emerging as a winner, as its low-cost drone tech has secured deals with Gulf states to scale production and secure Ukraine’s position as a leader in military tech.

The Iran war is reshaping global alliances in ways nobody could have predicted, so we’ll continue to explore the winners and losers of this conflict in this new series.

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Transcript

Hey, all Peter Zeihan here. Coming to you from Colorado. So today we’re going to dive into our open ended series on the impacts of the Iran war on everybody else. We’ve talked about the United States at length and the Persian Gulf countries, of course, but what about everyone else? The region used to export 22 million barrels of crude a day. It is now down to probably something between 10 and 12. So we’re already looking at a shortage of 400 to 450 million barrels that haven’t gotten out, and a lot of that shut in is going to remain shut in for assuming no additional damage. It’ll remain shut in for a minimum of another nine months after the guns stop firing. 

And in the case of some of the Iraqi production, probably well over two years. These aren’t shale wells where you can just turn them on and off. Anyway, that has a lot of, in fact, a lot of people. We are only in the preliminary days of seeing oil prices go up. It was only last week that the last of the oil tankers pre-war from the Persian Gulf made it to Northeast Asia. 

And it’ll be this week that the last make it to Western Europe. So what it was a failure in throughput is now becoming a failure in supply. And we’re going to see that impact all kinds of things. So let’s start with the former Soviet Union, specifically Russia and Ukraine. In the opening days of the war. The conventional wisdom was twofold. 

Number one, there’s no way that Ukraine comes out of this in a better position. The Western world, the whole world is going to be distracted by what’s going on in the Persian Gulf, which for most countries is more significant than what happens in the Russian near abroad. The United States is going to be diverting its weapons system, most notably its missile interceptors, to its own needs in theater, rather than sending them to Ukraine. 

And on the flip side, Russia is going to make mat bank. Oil prices had been moderate until the war started, and now they’re regularly over $100 a barrel. And if you consider that the break even cost for a lot of Russian fields are between 30 and $50 a barrel. And they went from selling hit 60 to 100. 

You know, you’ve seen the profit for Russian oil sales increased by a factor of five or more almost overnight. And that cash coming in is obviously going to remake what Russia can do with the war. Most of their equipment is comes from China, but the China insist on hard currency payments and that requires oil sales. That was the conventional wisdom, and there’s nothing wrong with that. 

But now that we’re five weeks in, we’re seeing a much more nuanced picture with a lot of unexpected upsides and downsides for both sides. Let’s start with the Russians. The Russians have been actively providing intelligence and techniques and hardware to the Iranian government to target the United States’s forces in region. While Donald Trump remains firmly in Putin’s pocket, that is drastically adjusting things in the Defense Department and on Capitol Hill, where we’re seeing significant unrest in the United States with Donald Trump’s policies, in a way that can’t help, the Russians long term. 

More importantly, the Russians and the Iranians are not the only ones with drones. And during the war, the Ukrainians have showcased a new set of hardware with a little bit longer range and have used it to completely destroy the export capacity of Russian oil exports from the Baltic Sea. 

It’s conservative, removing a million and a half barrels a day of exports, maybe up to 2 million, because the Russians can’t really redirect. They don’t have a backup pipeline system. And so what was originally this big windfall has turned into a structural loss for them in terms of oil exports. They’re still earning more money overall. 

But once the Ukrainians are done with the Saint Petersburg region, they’re just going to turn those drones onto the next oil producing and transiting system. And we may not have any meaningful Russian exports from either the Baltic or the Black Sea within three months, or that close second Ukraine itself. The year that the Ukrainians have had to basically operate without American assistance, they’ve used to great effect and innovating into the drone space, specifically encounter, drone technology. They’ve got something called the Brave One, which can fit into a duffel bag. It has limited range. Not a great success rate, maybe 50%, but it only cost 2 to $3000 to make, versus 30 to 50,000 for a Shahed versus 4 million for pack three. 

So Zelenskyy in the last couple of weeks has been all over the Persian Gulf, signing deals specifically with Kuwait and Qatar and United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, each multibillion dollar deals to invest in drone production. The Ukrainian problem this last year hasn’t been innovation. It’s having the cash necessary to buy all the materials to make it. 

Probably half of the industrial plant that they’ve expanded in Ukraine in the last year is not being used because they don’t have the money. Well, say what you will about the gold farmers money is not the limiting factor. So we’re going to be seeing money pouring into these facilities in Ukraine, which is going to drastically increase the defense of Ukraine from the Russians. 

At the same time, they’ll be exporting drones to the Gulf states and the Gulf states will be building their own counter drone factories. So we’re talking about a whole number of countries that five years ago, no one really considered to be at the forefront of military tech. All of a sudden at the forefront of military tech in a way that the United States can’t participate in and isn’t benefiting from. 

So we’ve seen Ukraine and Russia get weird ups and downs in ways that were completely unexpected just a few weeks ago. But perhaps the biggest impact of this is because the Russians are so actively assisting Iranians, is that all of the Arabs of the Persian Gulf are noodling over what’s next for them, vis-a-vis the Russians and the United States. 

And if you remember back to roughly 1985, when Reagan really started pushing hard on the Soviet Union, that was the year that the Saudis decided to drastically open up oil production in order to flood the market and bankrupt what was then the Soviet Union. We now have the beginnings of a second generation of some sort of alliance like that. 

But instead of the United States, it’s the Europeans, instead of NATO, it’s Ukraine. And so we’ve got a number of pieces moving here, building new geopolitical alignments that really look very, very bad long term for Russia. None of this I probably would have guessed two months ago, but here we are.

So You Want to Take Iran’s Oil…

Iranian Flag with oil barrels the color of the flag in it | Licensed by Envato elements: https://app.envato.com/search/photos/0866085e-7b36-418f-9531-40faadc100cf?itemType=photos&term=Iran+oil

Taking Iran’s Oil is far more complicated and dangerous than Trump has made it out to be. We’re talking about a humanitarian crisis and a full-blown ground invasion to actually control Iranian production.

Iran’s main energy resources are split between the South Pars gas field and Khuzestan. Seizing South Pars is the easier of the two, but the fallout would be horrendous. Controlling Khuzestan would require a ground invasion, fighting both local resistance and the broader Iranian military, forcing the U.S. to stay in the region…sound familiar?

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Transcript

Hey all, Peter Zeihan here. Coming to you from Colorado. Donald Trump is going on about taking in other countries oil again, specifically Iran. And, there’s no good way to do it. Let’s just start with that. But it is important, I think, to understand where the stuff is and what that would mean for a potential military occupation. 

So there are basically two large concentrations of petroleum in Iran. The first is kind of in the middle part of the Persian Gulf, directly opposite the country of gutter. That’s one of a kind of like a thumb sticking up on the south side of the Gulf. This is what the Iran’s call the South Pars field and the surrounding fields. It’s majority offshore. It is operated by a lot of foreign companies because the Iranians don’t know how to do it themselves. But this is responsible for somewhere between 70 and 80% of the country’s natural gas production. Now, Iran doesn’t really export natural gas in the conventional sense, and almost everything that come from South Pars is fed into the local pipeline network in order to be burned to generate electricity. 

So if the United States wanted to take over this zone, it would basically be shutting off the natural gas production because there’s no export capacity. The nearest country would be Turkey. There is a little pipeline there, but you’d have to go through a lot of Iran to get to it. And second, there’s no liquefied natural gas facility like exists on the south side of the Gulf. 

So if you take this thing, you’re just shutting it down and triggering, war crimes level of humanitarian disaster as you turn off the power in a country with roughly 90 million people, that’d be bad. The other one is easier in simply because it’s, you know, possible again, not an endorsement here. It’s in the province of Khuzestan, which is in the country’s southwest, hard up against the Iraq border, directly opposite from Basra. 

If you remember your war in Iraq days, Khuzestan has 70 to 80% of the country’s oil production. Generates a little bit of waste natural gas here and there, but it’s mostly about the oil. And this is the stuff that basically powers the Iranian economy. Oil from Khuzestan is consumed locally. It’s consumed throughout the rest of the country. It is sent to refineries, the country over, and a lot of it is exported through Kharg Island. Kharg Island is an island off the coast of the northern Gulf. It’s Iranian. And people have been talking about that a lot recently. Donald Trump even knows where it is. And he seems to think that if you take a car, you control the oil industry, too. 

No, no, no, you take Kharg, you can shut off Iran’s ability to export, but that doesn’t give you control over production. So if your goal is to take the oil, you have to basically capture all of Khuzestan Province in a little chunks of territory that are adjacent to it. Now, Kazakhstan is interesting for a number of reasons besides the oil. 

If you remember back to your, political geography days, Iran is a series of mountain nations, different ethnicities that bit by bit were amalgamated into the whole that we now call Iran or Persia, if you want to use the older term, Khuzestan is an outlier. There because it’s flat, it’s not mountainous. 

and the vast bulk of the population are Arabs instead of mountain peoples, or is Aries or Persians. So they are an oppressed minority living in the country, and they live on top of the oil, and they get so little of the money that comes from the oil that this is one of the few parts of Iran that’s actually experiencing population decline, because basically the Iranian government, Tehran, siphons off all the oil leaves, nothing for the Arabs, and they’re just kind of like wallowing in their own poverty. 

Before you think, oh, this is a great fifth column to, launch a rebellion against Tehran, keep in mind that the United States has tried that trick specifically before, just on the other side of the river in southern Iraq, where you have a Shia majority that used to be ruled by a Sunni government in Baghdad. And after 20 years. But the only thing that the Shia of Iraq could agree on is that they hated the United States more than everybody else. So I can guarantee you, in the time that the United States has been resting and recouping in the aftermath of the war on terror, we have not gotten any better at nation building. And when we were trying to occupy southern Iraq, which supposedly hit a restive political group that hated the central government that we had overthrown, it didn’t go nearly as well as we had hoped. 

And this time, if you do that in Khuzestan, there’s a lot more Iranians with a lot more weaponry and equipment that can be brought to bear, because in the case of Iraq, we overthrew the entire government, were the authority. In the case of Iran, we’d have tens of thousands of American troops on the ground, occupying the local population and then resisting the general forces of the rest of the country. 

Anyway, bottom line of all of this. It’s not that I think we can or should take Iran’s oil. Just to give you an idea of what is in play, it’s pretty clear that Donald Trump is planning some sort of ground offensive. He has never deployed troops to an area and not used them. And in this case, we’ve got two loads Marines with, the Marine Expeditionary units on their way. One of them with the Tripoli, is practically local now. They were in Diego Garcia last week. And the other group, the boxer, is approaching Southeast Asia and is expected to be in the Persian Gulf in 2 to 3 weeks. 

And of course, the, the airborne forces can be wherever they need to be. So we’re definitely moving forces in the Trump administration is definitely planning on using them. It will definitely be a disaster. And if the Trump administration decides to go after this target specifically, we’re going to be an occupation in the Middle East, just like we were for the bulk of the last 25 years. And we all remember how that went.

Russia Draws American Blood in Iran

Photo of American flag with blood on it and Russian flag next to it

Iran was able to successfully strike Prince Sultan Air Base, which is a U.S. base in Saudi Arabia. And guess who supplied Iran with the targeting data necessary to carry out the strike? The Russians.

The strikes hit an E-3G Sentry, which is one of a limited number of AWACS the U.S. has in operation. These planes are used in drone and missile detection, so losing one of them is devastating. However, the more troubling aspect of this strike is Russia’s involvement.

While Russia has a long-standing tradition of aiding any adversary of America, directly assisting attacks on U.S. forces is a major escalation. Oh, and still no response from the Trump administration on any of this.

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Transcript

Hey everybody. Peter Zeihan here, coming to you from Colorado, not a particularly good update from what’s going on in the Iran war. Last Friday, you may remember that there was an attack on Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia, which is a U.S. military facility. And in it, several ballistic missiles and drones were able to get through defenses. 

Bad for the obvious reasons, is that if there’s any place that should be defendable, from Iranian weapons systems, it should be a U.S. air base. And clearly, the United States is now running out of interceptors itself. Second, even worse is one of the targets that was hit was in, E3G, which is an Awacs through the large jets that have the big radar dome on the back of them. 

They basically patrol provide information real time information on enemy aircraft, whether it’s a drone or a jet or whatever else. And they can cover about 120,000mi² at a time. The Awacs have been critical for getting early warning on the drones, because you can’t really put a sonar phone out in the water like you can’t see at the edge of Ukraine and then track them for several hundred miles. 

So the Awacs are really the best way we have in order to see these things coming. The United States only has a fleet of 15 of them left, or 14 of them left now, and half of those are down for repairs at any given time. So we’re talking about a significant reduction in the ability of the United States to operate the anti-air operations in anti-missile and anti-drone operations, not just in theater, but on a global basis. 

But the real shitty thing, that came out just yesterday is that we now know conclusively that the Russians are the ones who provided the targeting information. The Russians have a military recon satellite system, and we know that they’ve been providing aid to and Intel to anyone who’s been shooting at the United States for 30 years. But now we have the Russians caught providing real time information on the location of specific aircraft that can then be used by the Iranians to target specific pinpoint within American military facilities in the Middle East. 

It will be interesting to see how the Trump administration chooses to spin this and say, it’s no big deal, because the Russians are our friends or whatever the angle happens to be. But leaving aside for the moment, all of the other angles about this war, about the energy breakdown, not being at the forefront of drone technology anymore, we now have, America’s oldest adversary, deliberately sharing tactical information on American military hardware and personnel and facilities with the Iranians. To the degree that the Iranians are actually able to penetrate and hit things specifically, there there is any number of ways where that’s a very, very negative development. And we have yet to see it being treated seriously by this administration at all.