A cornerstone of modern globalization, the World Trade Organization (WTO), is collapsing. Following the Cold War, the post-WWII system needed a legal system to enforce trade rules, so the WTO was born.
But the WTO was slow, and its court-based dispute system couldn’t enforce meaningful penalties. And its requirement for unanimous agreement made new trade deals nearly impossible. So, trade liberalization has stalled for decades.
Without the WTO, the world will revert to regional trading blocs. The issue is that this leaves several regions without balanced economies (you need production and consumption, and only a handful of areas have that). As the WTO falls apart, expect decades of economic instability and conflict.
Transcript
Hey, everybody. Peter Zeihan here, coming to you from Colorado. Today we’re gonna talk about the World Trade Organization or what used to be the World Trade Organization.
The global rules of trade have evolved a lot over the last 70 years. But the key thing to remember that for the United States, this was never about the trade itself. It was about security. After World War two. The United States drew its allies together and said, look, we will defend you. We will use our Navy to allow your commerce to go to any part of the world. If in exchange, we can control your security policies. And that gave us the Cold War alliance that allowed us to defeat the Soviet Union. But it did come at an economic cost, because the United States basically agreed almost formally to serve as kind of a dumping ground for product. And in the aftermath of World War Two, when the United States economy was basically as large as everybody else has put together, that was a pretty easy, carry.
But when you fast forward to the end of the Cold War 1992, everyone had grown and the math had changed. Also, the security environment had changed with the Soviet Union gone. The United States was starting to have conversations with itself about what’s next, and while we never carried any of those to fruition, there was a general agreement on both sides of the political aisle. that the old deal needed to be modified because people didn’t necessarily need protection anymore. So the United States was starting to want more economic, benefits from globalization in a way that it just wasn’t concerned with in the 50, 60, 70 or 80s.
So this translated into the negotiations in the 1990s that birthed what we today know is the World Trade Organization. And the idea is you take all of the broad agreements that we had reached on trade liberalization over the last 40 years. You bundle them into a single pack. And that pact of WTO would have adjudication authority. So if there was a dispute among countries, you would take it to the WTO court, and the court would rule who was violating trade laws and what sort of punishment could be divvied out by the country that had been hurt?
It’s a really interesting idea and governance. And the idea was that, you know, there were things that were allowed were things that were not allowed, and there had to be an impartial arbiter in order to determine how the disputes would be resolved. ultimately, we had two problems. So number one, it was a court based system.
So it could take months, typically years to find out what was wrong. And by the time a country would win a court case, it would be able to actually retaliate the core situations that led to that circumstance generally, had changed. Probably the, the best example I can give you is the ongoing dispute between the European Union and the United States over aerospace, with Airbus getting huge amounts of EU subsidies and Boeing also being a defense contractor, which the European saw as subsidies.
Now, maybe you as an American, I’m with the Americans on this one. But anyway, the point is that every year both sides would sue the other one. And we get these interlocking cases, which as a rule, the United States won. But the conditions, the penalties that were allowed for the United States to then punish the Europeans were typically so mild of the Europeans just sucked it up and moved on.
So you had a court system that could rule, but it rarely was able to execute a ruling that was of sufficient severity to actually change the political math on the ground in the country where the violation happened. That was part one, part two. And this is what really killed it. The system works on unanimity. So if a single country opposes some extension of a pact, a renewal of a pact, a negotiation, a pact, the terms of a pact, the whole thing dies.
So since 1998, when the WTO formally took effect, we functionally had no meaningful liberalization of trade ever since. And just this week, Jamison Greer, who’s the U.S. trade representative for the Trump administration, attended the most recent WTO ministerial. And at the end of the day, no one could agree on anything. And this will probably be the final WTO meeting, because at this point, it’s been 28 years.
And that’s before you consider that the current American administration really just doesn’t care about international trade in the same way that groups before have. Now, will this have consequences? Duh. So step one if the world is completely unbound and unmoored, if the court can’t function at the WTO, if the WTO is no longer a place to negotiate how to prevent a trade war from getting worse, we’re going to have a lot more trade wars.
That is unavoidable. And in a world where your typical manufactured product has hundreds of intermediate supply chain steps and, that’s going to be pretty rough. And that’s before you consider that, only about half the countries of the world have a young enough demographic to really serve as centers of consumption. So we’re looking at a break of the guns for butter deal that the United States cut under globalization, and then an end to the supply system and the manufacturing system, which has allowed the circulation that has made trade as we know it possible, that will be felt most dearly in manufacturing, because that is where most of the efforts to this point have been put in the negotiations. Second problem is a little bit broader is that if we’re going to move away from a system where trade is globalized, then by default we are going to be moving into a system where trade is regionalized. And if you’re talking about a regionalization of trade, you need to have a balance of industrial plant and consumption.
And there’s really no part of the world that has that imbalance. In North America. We have the consumption, especially in places like the United States and Mexico. But the industrial plant needs to be roughly double, and you can do that, but you can’t do that in a short period of time. That’s a 30 year project. The Europeans are a little light on the industrial plant and very light on the consumption.
So they’re in a situation where parts of Europe like, say, Germany, where the industrial plant is huge, have to export everything, but if they can’t export it to East Asia or North America, it has to be consumed locally. And that is going to have a horrific impact on the economies of states that don’t have the industrial plants. So we’re looking at a real problem here for short, medium and long term survival for the European Union on economic grounds. The third chunk is East Asia. North East Asia has more than enough industrial plant, probably twice, maybe even three times what they need in places like China. But these are the places where the demographic bomb is most advanced. This is the part of the world that most needs to export everything they do.
And without the ability to do those exports, you’re looking at civilization ending events for some of these countries. Before you consider problems with agriculture or energy. The one part of the world where things are kind of in balance is Southeast Asia. The industrial plant is roughly right sized for their population, which is approaching and collectively about a billion people.
And as a rule, among the countries that are not dirt poor, this is really the demographically youngest part of the country, with places like Vietnam and Indonesia in particular, having really young, energetic, upwardly mobile populations. So in a post WTO, a world, we’re going to see a lot of scrambling as economic models and the political models that are based on them just can’t function in this new system that we’re approaching.
And really, Southeast Asia’s the only one that’s kind of in balance. That doesn’t mean it’s doom for everybody else, but they’re going to have to find radically different ways to operate in Europe. That means finding an economic model that’s not based on production or consumption. In Northeast Asia, it’s redefining the entire social model. But what it means to be a citizen, what it means to be a ruler.
Historically speaking, when we had moments like this, we have a lot of conflicts among states within states, and it takes 30 to 40 years for everything to settle.
I know everybody wants to talk about Iran these days, and there’s a lot going on there, but it’s actually the collapse of the WTO that is ushering in the real change.
And the fact that most of you probably only heard about this here means that it’s not getting the attention that it really needs, because this is going to undermine the structure politically and economically of the vast majority of the world’s countries. And it’s going to do so real fast.










