Ukraine Strikes Hit Baltic Export Facilities

Drone firing a missile

The global energy trade has been taking hit after hit, and things might be getting worse. Ukraine launched a large drone attack on oil export facilities in the Baltic, proving they can disrupt Russian exports.

With the Persian Gulf effectively offline, losing Russian oil would be devastating to the global markets. Drone warfare continues to evolve and reshape the way these conflicts unfold, especially when targeting energy infrastructure.

I would expect Ukraine to continue these strikes, knocking out a large portion of Russian export capacity. Which means the global energy crisis could get much worse, very soon.

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Transcript

Hey all, Peter Zeihan here. Coming to you from Colorado. More news, not Iran related from Sunday, the Ukrainians launched a fleet of drones into Leningrad province. That’s where Saint Petersburg is targeting. Specifically the pro-Morsi and the use Luga oil loading facilities. Now, combined, those two facilities can handle about 1.7 million barrels of crude a day of exports and another 300,000 barrels per day of refined oil products, primarily diesel. There are multiple reports of fires throughout the loading and tanker areas on the port specifically, and at this point, about 24 hours after the attacks happened, that port remains offline. Now, this is significant for two very, very, very big reasons. Number one, the Persian Gulf is offline. It’s probably not coming back. That’s 20 million barrels per day that we’re probably just not going to see again. 

And the world has yet to accept that is where this is ultimately going to lead. Second, there are really only three major sources of crude for the global economy. One is the Persian Gulf. One is North America, specifically the American shale sector, primarily in Texas. New Mexico, Colorado, Oklahoma and North Dakota. That one’s fine. And the third one is the former Soviet Union. 

Most notably Russia. Now, Russia has three major ways to ship its crude out. One goes to the Black Sea. And those have been under persistent attacks by the Ukrainians for a couple of years now. One goes out to the Far East, near the city of Vladivostok. Those are well out of range of anything the Ukrainians can do. 

And the third one is this one here in the Baltic Sea with Paramores can use luga. The thing is, these have typically been just out of range for Ukrainian attacks as a rule. And there’s this is a rule made to be broken. Any infrastructure that is within about 600 miles of a hostile actor is now completely vulnerable to ongoing cheap drone attacks like the shitheads at the Iranians are using against the United States in the Gulf right now. 

Like the Russians have been using against Ukraine since the beginning of the war, and now the Ukrainians have joined the club and they’re threatening, the Leningrad region. But the Leningrad region is about 700 miles away. So not only have the Ukrainians developed a new battle platform with better range, they’ve been able to generate enough drones to throw a volley of 60 of them at these two ports. 

To the point that they are able to shut down one of the largest facilities that the Russians have. So we now need to pencil in, in the not too distant future that, not only are we going to use the Gulf, not only are we going to use the Black Sea, we are also going to lose the crude that’s coming out of the Saint Petersburg region as well. 

And from the Russian point of view, that adds up to about another 4 million barrels a day, probably. There’s a limited degree for the Russians to shift crude around, but really not all that much. The Ukrainians have now demonstrated that this is, if not easy for them, well within their capabilities. And we should see attack after attack after attack in the days and weeks to come. 

How to Break Iran

A ripped grungy back wall of the Iranian flag

If the U.S. wants to force a meaningful change in Iran’s government, there’s only one path forward. They have to destabilize the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

The IRGC has become the center of power in Iran. While leadership is divided into three groups, the IRGC is the military-economic network that controls industry and enforces domestic control. Given Iran’s fragmentation and ethnic diversity, internal stability is essential. Should the IRGC’s revenue streams fall in the war, internal fractures would form.

If the younger members begin seeking power over the older elites who control the wealth, a civil conflict would erupt. Of course, it would be extremely destabilizing not only for Iran but also for the region.

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Transcript

Hey, all. Peter Zeihan here coming to you from Colorado. Sorry. Fever broke last night, so I’m better, but I’m still kind of weak. Where was I? Most of our coverage of the Iran war at this point is about what’s been blowing up the energy side of things. Strait of Hormuz, all that good stuff. Today, I wanted to go a different direction and talk about what might, might, might change in Iran that would end the war the way the United States would be really excited about, what I’m going to say isn’t necessarily how it’s going to go, but if we are going to break the Iranian government, it’ll look like this. 

So the Iranian government basically has three big chunks that matter. First, you’ve got your supreme leader and surrounding the supreme leader are all of the people who are in charge of the guns and the overall strategy. So the intelligence minister, the defense minister, the people who are in charge of the IRGC, that is the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which is a militia that controls most of the day to day operations and, the country and among these groups controls all of their overseas assets and their influences throughout the Middle East, whether that is militants in Syria, Hezbollah, Shia in Iraq or what have you. A lot of these people, at least at the top, have now been killed. The Supreme leader’s gone. The new Supreme leader was selected, but his parents is one of his kids, and his wife has been killed. 

The defense minister has been killed. And on and on and on. It’s not that this group is not functional, but it means that they’ve handed power down to the IRGC. More on them in a minute. The second group are the political and economic leadership that run the day to day operations of the country. The president, for example, the economics minister, the energy minister. 

For the most part, these people have not been targeted by the Americans and the Israelis because they’re not responsible for most of the policies that the Americans and the Israelis find problematic. So when you see Iran going up and mucking up the region, these aren’t the people responsible. These are the people, for the most part, stay at home. 

And they’ve been mostly left alone. But then you’ve got the IRGC, and that’s very different. A couple things to keep in mind. Number one, Iran is not a normal country. It’s all mountainous. And in each mountain valley you have a different ethnicity. And so how the Persians came to control this territory is they expanded out of their original mountain home in Persepolis and then went to the next valley over and conquered and intermingled with those people, and then to a third and a fourth and a fifth, and eventually did that a thousand times. 

So when people talk about the thousand nations of Persia, they’re not exaggerating. This is a multi-ethnic society that has been trying to slowly grind its minorities into amalgamation for several thousand years, and today they’re only about half completed. Only 51% of Iranians identify as Persians. Now all the others still identify as Iranian. I’m not suggesting that there’s like a really robust opportunity here for multiple fifth columns, but it does shape the decision making, and it’s pretty clear that it’s the Persians who are in control of all the major decisions, especially the IRGC, the IRGC, plus the military. 

Its primary job is to make sure that 49% of the population who are not Persian never get persnickety and rise up. So in many cases, the Iranian military force is primarily designed to occupy its own country. 

All right. That’s the background you need for us to get into the real stuff. Now let’s talk about what can happen. The clerical class that is part of those first two categories, the supreme leader chunk and the more technocratic chunk. 

That’s 10,000 people. And so if you wanted to destroy the political system of a country, that’s a lot of folks that you have to drop bombs on. And undoubtedly we’ve managed to do so for, for at least a couple hundred that were at the top. But there are always going to be more people waiting in the wings to step up and get into the big chair, even during a war. 

So grinding through that entire class, which was basically would be a religious war, going after all the priests, is something that just really isn’t viable unless you’re going to put 1 million or 2 million troops on the ground in Iran to go through a country that’s twice the size of Texas with three times the population and root out each individual one, not really viable. 

And then there’s the IRGC links to the clerical class, but more generally not of the clerical class. These are people about a quarter of a million to a half a million strong, based on whose numbers you’re using, who are also responsible for domestic pacification. 

So whenever there is an uprising the IRGC comes in and starts shooting people. They also have very good relations with, say, the Syrians and especially the Russians. And so the Russians provide them with technology to track down people who are using cell phones or Starlink and basically get them in their homes and then remove them from the equation. Not nice people, but where there might might be a weakness in the IRGC model, it’s not in the guns. 

Then the money. IRGC is self-funding. They control broad swaths of the Iranian economy from energy projects that they have forced private sector players out to the electricity system, which they control half of, to any sort of smuggled good. And since Iran is one of the most sanctioned countries in history, pretty much anything that is imported is smuggled at some level. 

And that means that they have a vast array of income streams that add up to the tens of billions of dollars every year, and that money train is what entices people to join the IRGC. So today, we’re in a position where the senior political leadership around the supreme leader has been neutered or is at least in hiding. And the IRGC, in many ways, is the face of the regime now, because power devolve down to them, because they control a lot of military assets, including the missile program, the nuclear program, the shadow program. 

And so when they see their interests get hit, waves of shitheads come out. So if you remember last week, Israel bombed part of a facility called the South Pars natural gas field, which is where the country gets the 70% of their natural gas. That natural gas is used to make power that hit the IRGC directly. 

So they sent out 50 different attacks into various places across the entire region, and in doing so, made it very clear that they were perfectly willing to burn down all the energy infrastructure in the region if their economic interests are hurt. But if you really do want to change the government, you have to break the IRGC. Now, since there’s over a quarter of a million of them, there’s no way, even with a ground invasion, that you’re going to go in there and root them all out. 

So you have to change the economic math here. It’s a generational issue. Ever since the Shah fell back in 79, there has been a baby bust and a consolidation of power among the people who were alive before that. And so we’ve seen the leadership of Iran, as a rule, get over and over and over. 

That doesn’t mean that there aren’t young people there just fewer young people than there are old people. And how the demographic issue is playing out with the IRGC is you have a lot of people in their 20s and 30s and maybe even into their 40s that have never really tasted power, and they see their elders absorbing most of the profits from the smuggling and the energy in the electricity sector and construction and everything else. And they’re beginning to wonder with the war, when is my time? 

Well, if the IRGC economic aspects get crushed in the war, then you might be able to generate this sort of uprising from within the Corps itself with the younger folks, the Young Turks, if you will, going against the older folks at the moment. That is the only path forward that I see where the United States might actually be able to change the regime in the country, forcing basically a civil war in the IRGC itself. 

It would not be easy. And every time you go after the IRGC economic assets, you know, they’re going to hit the economic assets of the broader Gulf. But at this point, we have at least another 4 or 5 weeks of the war before the batch of Marines that are coming in from California arrive. And in that time, we’re probably going to lose most of that anyway. 

So we’re already talking about the Persian Gulf being removed from the mechanics of global economics permanently. The question is whether or not you want to also try as part of that process to remove the IRGC. It’s an ugly way to do it, but at the moment, it’s the only real weakness in the way that Iran is set up that I think might be able to be exploited.

Aluminum Shortages Coming Soon

A rock of aluminum

Aluminum production in the Persian Gulf is going bye-bye. As Iran ramps up strikes on gas fields, pipelines, and power plants, the countries that depend upon cheap natural gas will no longer be able to run their smelters.

The facilities in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE, and Oman account for roughly 9% of global primary aluminum. This is going to tighten supply for many key global industries like construction, vehicles, and aerospace.

The U.S. will catch a break on most of this pressure, since it relies on recycled aluminum for much of its supply. However, global supply shortages, coupled with Trump’s tariffs, will still drive up prices.

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Transcript

Hey everybody. Peter Zeihan here. Coming to you from Colorado, today we’re going to continue talking about the long term implications of what’s going on in the Persian Gulf. Economically, we now know that the strait is going to be closed for at least several months. And that’s a lot of opportunity for Iranian weapons systems to take out infrastructure on the west side of the Gulf. 

We now are in the position where we need to basically write off most of the 50 years of infrastructure that has built and built there. And so today we’re going to talk about metals, specifically aluminum. Aluminum doesn’t come out of the ground like copper. It comes out as an or called bauxite. 

it’s not like iron ore where one step of refining and then all of a sudden you have iron ore steel and. No, no, no, no, it requires multiple steps. First you take your bauxite and you basically put in a big batch of caustic soda, which is a strong base, sort of thing that’ll strip the flesh out of your bones, and that will remove a lot of the impurities and concentrated into a very, very white reflective powder called alumina. 

Now, alumina is produced in a number of places in the world, and the Persian Gulf is not a major producer. You do have some in there in the United Arab Emirates and in Saudi Arabia. But collectively you’re only talking about 3% of primary production, and alumina itself doesn’t have a huge number of, uses. I mean, you can use it for pigments for if you want, like a white, white, white paint kind of thing and a few other products. 

But most of it and over 90% of it is then basically put into a, a giant and that you stick a couple electrodes in it and you just electrify the shit out of it, and eventually it process itself into something called aluminum, the metal that we all know. Now, the aluminum market is a little odd, aluminum, more so than almost any material out there, is endlessly recyclable and is easy to recycle. 

All you have to do is melt it down, and all of a sudden you’ve got pure aluminum again. And so the global market, it’s about 70% primary production that goes through the base process to become aluminum electrification become aluminum. The other 30% is more traditionally recycled. 

There is a wind quality issue, some rerecording in the middle of this one. Okay, aluminum. We are talking about a system in the Persian Gulf where we have six major smelters working from north to south Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Gutter, the United Arab Emirates, which has two, and then Oman. In all cases, the vulnerability is kind of the same. 

A drone hit on an aluminum smelter. I don’t want to say it’s not a big deal, but nothing’s going to explode because aluminum or aluminum, neither of them are flammable.  The problem is with the production cycle that is required to get there. You see, in the Persian Gulf, it is obviously oil rich. That’s what it’s known for. But it’s also natural gas rich. And oftentimes the natural gas comes up as a byproduct of the oil production. Now oil is easy to move. It’s a liquid. So you can easily put it into a tanker. And tankers coming out of the Persian Gulf is what the area is known for. But natural gas being a gas doesn’t work nearly as well. 

You can chill it down to like -280 degrees and liquefy it and put it into a specialized tanker and then ship it that way. But most countries don’t do that because the upfront cost is very, very high in the Persian Gulf. Only the Qatari do that and they do it at scale. World’s largest facility. but for everything else, they generally try to use the natural gas in another way. 

Typically they burn it in power plants for electricity, which means this region also has some of the cheapest electricity in the world. And the primary input for turning aluminum into aluminum is electricity. So you’ve got these six facilities. The vulnerability is Iran knows that attacking the aluminum plants really isn’t the way to shut it down. You just shut down the whole power grid. 

So either you hit the field where the natural gas is produced, the pipeline that takes it to a processing facility where they take out impurities so it can be used, or the pipeline that takes it to a natural gas burning power plant, or you hit the power plant itself. All of those are in the Iranian target set, and all of them have been hit at some degree during this conflict. 

And as the region runs out of interceptors, more and more will be struck. As for which facilities are likely to go down first and why? Let again, let’s start from the north. The Saudi facility is probably the one that looks the best or second best, because in Saudi Arabia they actually produce some bauxite. So this facility turns, bauxite into alumina and then alumina into aluminum all in the same place. 

And then they truck the metal out west to the Red sea. So they’re not dependent on things coming and going. But when you go down a little bit further south of Bahrain and gutter, they use local natural gas for their power. They import alumina from out of region. 

And so with the strait close, they can’t get their inputs in. Their power system is already been under extreme attack. And so both of these facilities are already operating at, well, less than half capacity. And it’s probably likely that they’re all going to be shut down, within a few days. And certainly no more than a couple of weeks. 

Move a little bit further south. You’ve got the United Arab Emirates. There’s a smelter in both Abu Dhabi and, and Dubai Emirates. The problem here is they’re on the same power grid. And because of the geography of the region, where there’s a wide swath of the UAE that faces Iran, there’s they’ve simply run out of interceptors. 

And we’re now seeing multiple drone attacks hitting hard infrastructure without interruption. So we should expect both of those to go down because of power issues in the next week or two. The final one is Oman, and it is actually out on the Indian Ocean. So, you know, it’s not directly affected by the Strait of Hormuz closure. But the Iranians have shown that they’re capable of striking things on the Indian coast already. 

They’ve already shut down the Emirati port of Fujairah, and it’s only a matter of time before they start going after the power infrastructure. Throughout both the UAE and Oman, which would be more than enough to shut this one down as well. So all of them are vulnerable in different ways. All of them will probably be going offline over the course of the next month. If this war continues. 

As for volume, these six facilities together and three of them are like the three biggest ones in the world. Produce roughly 9% of the world’s aluminum finished primary metal. The reason I’m kind of, on that is that the Chinese keep lying about their numbers, so we’re not quite sure. So if you peel the Chinese out, they’re probably 15 to 20% of the global total. 

And in a world that desperately needs to expand its industrial plant, aluminum is one of the primary limiting factors there, and we’re about to lose a lot of it. 

What this means for the United States, it’s kind of a mixed bag. In the United States, we’re kind of a flip because of policies that were decided mid-last century. 

The United States is actually uses recycled aluminum for 70% of our demand, and we only use new aluminum for about one third, 30%. So the impact on the United States is not as big. But we’re also in an environment where the Trump administration has decided that aluminum is one of those things that has to be protected. 

And so there’s a 50% tariff on imported aluminum. So we’re in a situation where we’re looking at a primary price increase because of the shortage on the international markets, on top of the 50% increase that the Trump administration has already, thrown in. And that specific tariff was not one of the ones that the Supreme Court over ruled a few weeks ago. 

So there’s an option for some price relief here for the United States if that tariff goes away. But overall, on a global basis, the, rising shortages are going to be pretty horrific. Aluminum is used in aerospace and automotive and construction and electrification and all kinds of things. And the world’s single largest user and producer of finished aluminum is China. 

And, well, they’re never getting this stuff back ever.

As Fertilizer Falls, Famine Will Follow

A machine fertilizing crops

Now that the Strait of Hormuz is shut down due to the Iran war, the impact is beginning to hit global food systems. This is coming in the form of fertilizer production disruptions in the Persian Gulf.

Potash and phosphate-based fertilizers remain mostly unaffected, but nitrogen-based fertilizers that rely on natural gas are the problem. Global urea and ammonia supplies are already being hit hard.

Prices will begin to rise, and places like China and India will face chronic fertilizer shortages. This will reduce global food production, and I think you can guess what happens after that…

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Transcript

Hey everybody Peter Zeihan here. Coming to you from Colorado, where we are getting a significant, unexpected storm. Anyway, obviously we’re going to talk about the Persian Gulf today. Ever since the Straits closed, it’s been a question of how soon before things get really nasty. And now we’re there. 

We’ve got, missile and drone attacks that are regularly punching through the defensive envelope on the western side of the Persian Gulf with Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, clearly, if not out, almost, very nearly out of interceptors. 

And things are getting through into those two countries regularly attacking strategic things like airports, and energy infrastructure. Today we’re going to talk about the impact this is going to have on global food supplies, which is pretty, pretty fucking damning. So there’s three types of fertilizer. There is something called potash, which is potassium based fertilizer that is primarily mined. 

Most of that comes from either the Canadian province of Saskatchewan. So, you know, don’t mess up NAFTA talks. Belarus in the former Soviet Union and a little bit more from Russia. 

Those three places are the vast majority of what is produced on the planet. That is, thank God, not affected. Number two is phosphate, which is basically fossilized bird poop. 

The big producers there are a little bit from Saudi Arabia, a bit of a problem. There’s a lot in Morocco that seems fine at the moment. Peru has some. Florida has some for the moment. The Saudi part was just single digit percentages of global supply. It’s probably going to be impacted, but not critically, because they can always truck it out or to the west. 

It’s not ideal, but it can be done. The third one is where the real problem is nitrogen based fertilizers, which are, as a rule, a derivative of an oil based naphtha product or natural gas. And here the big player is gutter, that little thumb in the middle of the west side of the Persian Gulf. Qatar, for those of you who like to pronounce it the anglicized way. In what  they call the South Pars natural gas field is one of the largest in the world, and they produce condensate there, which is kind of a hybrid oil natural gas product. But, as a byproduct, they get all the natural gas they could ever use. So it’s actually the lifting cost for that stuff is negative and it’s just offshore. 

So getting it to something to process is very, very easy. They use this to do liquefied natural gas, of which they provide 10% of the global total. That’s obviously gone. the facility that produces it has already been hit. So even if the war were to end tomorrow, I doubt it would be back online within six months. 

But today we’re going to talk about what they do with fertilizer, because They use that natural gas in order to make ammonia, and then they convert the ammonia to something called urea. And urea is natural gas based fertilizer made out of primarily nitrogen that you can spread in physical form, whether pellets or ground powder or whatever. 

And this one facility and gutter is responsible for about 11% of global urea production and that is the primary method that people apply nitrogen. There are other ways, those other ways are all ammonia based. And collectively, the Persian Gulf is responsible for between 30 and 35% of global ammonia production. And all of that has now gone to zero. 

Now, of the three nutrients, this is the one I am least concerned with in the short term, because it can be derived from either natural gas itself or oil, which can then be refined into something called naphtha, and that naphtha can go on to make nitrogen based, fertilizers. The problem, of course, is that 20% of global oil is off line because of the Persian Gulf. 

So while here in the United States, where we are a net oil exporter and just have scads of natural gas and produce pretty much all the nitrogen we need ourselves and can produce more if the market pushes us in that direction, which it absolutely will from now until the end of my life. At this point, most of the rest of the world cannot do that. 

So in the short term, because of the United States, we’re probably not going to have massive shortages of nitrogen based fertilizers. Prices will go up, but we won’t have actual shortages. But if you fast forward one, two, three, ten, 20, 30, 50 years, the rest of the world is going to be in chronic nitrogen deficit pretty much from now on. 

That’s before you consider shortages of the other materials that are likely to manifest in the years to come. So prepare for an environment where food production on a global basis stalls and then crashes. With some areas affected far more than others, the one that should be at the top of your list for not being able to maintain output is going to be China, because they import pretty much all of the inputs that they need to either make their own fertilizer, or they just import the fertilizer directly. South Asia, India also looks like it’s going to be significantly under pressure, unless they can find a way to manage access direct to the Persian Gulf themselves, which is a feasible option for them. But it requires them thinking significantly different about their security policy. But now they absolutely have the impetus to do so.

Marines, Uranium, and a Symbolic Win?

Claims that the U.S. will end the war by seizing Iranian assets make no strategic sense. Targeting Kharg Island or removing the uranium from Isfahan with ground operations is just too risky.

These narratives are likely just a reflection of the U.S. searching for a symbolic win, rather than a practical military plan. But this conflict could be pushing Iran closer to nuclear armament. Iran’s ability to quickly build a bomb wasn’t enough deterrence, so building a bomb appears to be the only option left.

As the war escalates and moderates are sidelined (or killed), the Iran war will grow less coherent and much more dangerous.

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Transcript

Hey, everybody. Peter Zeihan here coming to you from the San Antonio airport. Today it’s the 17th of March, and there’s a lot of stuff going on in the news related to the Iran war that I find a little concerning. So I wanted to lay out what a few things are and are not, and hopefully some clarity will come out of this. 

So there’s a lot of talk in US media, especially, being leaked out of the administration deliberately, like straight from the white House, that, in order to conclude the war, they need to remove the enriched uranium from the equation. And the idea is that this meu that’s a marine expeditionary unit with the USS Tripoli that is currently enroute from East Asia to the Persian Gulf, is doing so in order to participate with that. 

So the two dominant theories are that the United States wants to put boots on the ground in a place called Kharg Island, which serves as the destination point for about 90% of the crude that Iran produces. It’s the sole loading facility that they have for super tankers. 

It’s on the northern part of the Gulf, about 30km off the coast. The second theory is that they want to remove they being the United States government, wants to remove the enriched uranium that Iran has from contention. That stuff is in a place called Isfahan, which is about 40 miles inland. Neither of these really match the facts. In the case of Kharg Island, there’s a single pipeline. 

There’s no bridge. So actually, if you wanted to take this out of the equation, you dropped one bomb on one pumping station on shore, and you cut it down with minimal damage, and it would be easy repair later. So there’s no need to put boots on the ground and car gets off. All that would do would be to open you up to potential counterattacks from the shore. 

Now, the Iranians couldn’t, like, surge across the street then with ground troops, but they could continually attack any American forces there with drones, for example. And if you were going to have a ship supporting Marines on card, all of a sudden you’ve given them a big, fat, easy to shoot target. That was stupid, just monumentally stupid. But so would going after for harm because it’s behind one is one of the first places that we hit during the war. 

We also hit them in July or sorry, June of last year. Sorry. It’s angry that time. I guess it is. You have been, This farm is under hundreds of tons of rubble, and it’s 400 miles inland. So the 2500 Marines that are with the Tripoli, there’s no way that they could land moved to his farm, somehow, magically excavate hundreds of tons of debris and then move the canisters of enriched uranium back to the coast. 

That’s assuming that the canisters are over 90% purified already, which is highly unlikely. so the hardware that is now moving in, the conversations that are being deliberately had publicly just don’t match the facts on the ground. I wish I had a clearer idea of what was going on here, but it’s pretty obvious that the administration is looking for a way out and looking for a way to manufacture a success. 

Just keep in mind that the position of this administration, and by this I mean the Iranian administration going back 35 years, has always been that if we get a new goal, we will be attacked. So we want a nuclear program that can create a nuke in a short period of time. You know, six months, but we don’t actually want to get the bomb. 

So the idea is that the deterrent is the program, not an actual weapon, or at least that’s what they believed. Until June of last year and in June of last year, Israel, the United States attacked anyway. And so the conversation then was basically, do we now need to have the bomb? So we have an actual turn? 

And regardless of how that conversation worked out over the last several months, this month with the new attack that killed, among other people, the Supreme leader and the conversation has changed. And now it’s like, of course we need a nuke. And everyone that the United States has are so far coming. I as assistance most recently Larijani all of these people by Iranian standards were moderates who favored negotiation with the United States as opposed to nuke. 

So pieces in motion, not a lot of it makes a huge amount of sense strategically right now, but not a lot of how God makes a lot of strategic sense either.

Trump Gets Introduced to Section 301

US Supreme Court Building

The Supreme Court ruled Trump’s tariffs were illegal, forcing the administration to do things…the right way. Welcome to Section 301 investigations.

This is the slower and more legally structured process of issuing tariffs run by the Office of the United States Trade Representative. Reminder that the USTR has been gutted, so they lack the staff to juggle multiple investigations. Especially since NAFTA renegotiations are just kicking off.

Prefer to read the transcript? Click here

Transcript

Hey all. Peter Zeihan here, coming to you from Tulsa. It’s way too windy outside to record there, so we’re into it right here by the coffee machine, which is keeping me alive today. All right. Today we’re talking about the next step of Donald Trump’s trade policy. As I’m sure you guys all knew, the Supreme Court recently ruled, six three that Trump’s tariffs, which he labeled as an emergency situation, putting tariffs on literally every country in the world were a gross abuse of the law that he cited that it was illegal and unconstitutional for him to do so, that, tariffs are the province of the Congress, unless the Congress has expressly granted authority to the executive. Now, there are laws where that has happened, and that is what brings us to today. There’s something called 301 tariffs where the president can say, hey, this country is not being fair. It’s violating American trade laws and any agreements that we have. Therefore, we will investigate this violation. We will open up the situation to public comment. 

So any consumers or American businesses can testify, will put it on record. We will pull all the information together, we will make a finding, and then we will use that as ammo in negotiations with the country on the other side. And if those negotiations do not go the way that we like, we will then impose some sort of punitive system that might include tariffs. 

That’s just one of many options. It’s very adult, it’s very constitutional, follows the letter of the law. Now that he has been unable to convince the courts that what he was doing before was legal, it also takes time. There are two problems that Donald Trump is going to face with the 301 approach. The first one is that it can’t be arbitrary. 

So something that Trump did over and over and over again last year is whatever happened in the international system that annoyed him. He threw a tariff on it. You’re trading with the country. I don’t like tariff. I don’t like you personally. Tariff. You say something about the military. I don’t like tariff. You seem to really like steel tariff. 

It didn’t matter what it was. You throw a tariff on anything and that is now been proven shockingly so. To be unconstitutional. Not what Congress intended. 

The problem, however, with this new approach is that there is a process and you have to start it and there’s negotiations and there’s a comment period. And you actually have to build your case. 

Now, I have no doubt that at the end of the day, the Trump administration will just say, oh yeah, of course we’ve now proven our case and we tariff, but that takes months. Second problem, all of this, all of it, every little bit of it is handled up by the US Trade Representative Office. Now the USTR run by a guy by the name of Jamison Greer, who knows what he’s doing. 

He was trained by one of the best in the industry, Bob Lighthizer. 

The problem with USTR is it can only do so many things at a time. And under Joe Biden, who did not push a single free trade deal, it was kind of hollowed out of its staff. And then when Trump came in and Dogecoin, Elon Musk and all that, it lost some more of its stuff. 

And that was never been rebuilt. So Greer and the USTR office in general, simply doesn’t have the capacity to really do more than one of these 3 or 1 investigations at a time. And Trump has already initiated 301 investigations on Canada, Japan, Korea, the European Union, Mexico, and, of course, China. And I’m sure there’s going to be many, many, many, many more. 

And because this is a process and you have to document and get comments and make findings, you can’t just wave a pen and make it happen. The US simply doesn’t have the staffing. That’s necessary to do that. And then third, on top of all of that, USTR is responsible for negotiating or renegotiating every other trade deal. 

Remember that when this all started in April of last year, tariff day, Liberation day, based on your politics, we put tariffs on every country on the planet. And Trump feels that that is necessary for every country on the planet. And now we’re doing 300 ones for all the big ones and probably many of the small ones in the weeks and months to come. 

But that ignores what else is going on, because the U.S. does have trade deals separate from all this. 301 stuff. So, for example, over the weekend, the United States, Canada and Mexico formally started the process of negotiating for what NAFTA is supposed to look like a year to five years from now, that until this moment was the US primary job, because Mexico and Canada or the United States is top and second largest trading partners. 

And whatever the future of American manufacturing happens to look like, or American agriculture, American energy or American population workforce, it’s going to be bound up and with whatever happens with NAFTA. But now the USTR has to do at least a dozen, three, oh ones, probably several 301 negotiations and investigations at the same time. Bottom line, this is like the hard, frustrating way to do it. 

Yes, but it should have started this way a year ago. The only alternative would have been to go to Congress and say that I need some sort of trade negotiation authority. Now, this is something that presidents in the past used to do. You’d have to go back to George W Bush for the last time this was done. It was called trade Acceleration or Trade Promotion Authority, where Congress grants the president the ability to do negotiations outside of the normal back and forth. 

Of the legalities. If you want to do that, you have to get congressional approval. The thing is, Trump really hates going to Congress because then he actually has to say out loud what he wants to do and put it up for a vote. Yay or nay. That was hard enough last year when he had a meaningful majority in the House and the Senate. 

But since then, Donald Trump has had a hard time staffing his government with people from the private sector, because there aren’t a lot of them that believe what he believes. And so he’s had to reach into his ideological allies, people who owe their political careers to him in Congress and in doing so, has whittled down the majority he has in the House, in the Senate to work with. 

And there are enough remaining trade based, business based, Republicans in the party that it’s unclear that he would get the sort of support that he would need in order to make the changes he wants to make. So that kind of leaves us in this stall where Trump is kind of forced to let the system be the system, but he’s unwilling to challenge the system legally. 

And so far in this administration, where that has ended has been with a Supreme Court case that tells him the thing that he never wants to hear. No.

The U.S. and Mexico Kick Off NAFTA Talks

US, Mexico, and Canada flags with a hole in the Canadian flag

The U.S. has kicked off renegotiating NAFTA, but Canada was left out of the first round between Mexico and the U.S.

The U.S. is likely prioritizing a relationship with Mexico because of its healthier demographics and growing consumer base; therefore, Mexico is a more strategic long-term economic partner. Canada, however, has been getting the cold shoulder from this administration.

Leaving Canada high and dry could backfire, as the U.S. benefits greatly from Canadian manufacturing. We’ll see how the strategy changes throughout these negotiations.

Prefer to read the transcript? Click here

Transcript

Hey, everybody. Peter Zeihan here. Coming to you from Colorado. You’re going to see this on the 16th of March. Meaning that formal trade talks on the relaunching of the North American Free Trade Agreement have begun. And the first round is specifically between the Americans and the Mexicans, and the Canadians have not been invited. Quite on purpose. 

We’ve got three things going on here. First of all, in the long term, the more important trading partner is Mexico. They’ve got a younger population. On a worker productivity basis, it’s actually a more productive and efficient workforce than what the Canadians have. And when the two countries come head to head in competition, the Mexicans typically win. 

But most importantly, it’s a larger population, over 100 million people. And they are at the stage of their life, under age 45, 20 to 45, where they’re buying a lot of things. So it’s a consumption base that has a lot of upside growth potential. So from a purely macroeconomic point of view, it does make sense for the United States to prioritize Mexico over Canada. 

That’s piece one. That makes some sense. Piece two makes less sense. Trump personally and the advisors around him and the MAGA movement in general have a real bone to pick with Canada for any number of reasons, which I’m not going to go into because a lot of them are made up. But the degree of almost hatred that this branch of the American political system feels towards our northern neighbor really is robust, and it is definitely affecting policy. 

To that end, not only is Canada being denigrated at any number of opportunities, but there’s actually a significant move within this move it to break up Canada as a country. Specifically. MAGA is doing a lot to reach out to separatists in the province of Alberta. Now, for those of you who have been following me for a while, you know that she’s 13 years ago now. 

Yeah, 13 years ago. I wrote a book called The Accidental Superpower. And in it, I listed five major international crises that Americans would be aware of and participate in. And one of them was called the Alberta Question. The idea is that Alberta has a fundamentally different culture, economy, infrastructure and approach to all things in the world that is very, very different from the rest of Canada. 

It’s younger, it’s more highly skilled. It’s an energy, an agricultural economy, and most importantly, all of their major economic links go south to the United States rather than laterally to the rest of Canada. So the idea, that Alberta will eventually seek something else makes a lot of sense to me. But a lot of things have changed in the last 13 years. 

For the most part, we’ve seen the Canadian system through immigration actually kind of get past some of their more urban demographics or at least mitigate them a little bit. So the risk that I had seen 13 years ago, basically Alberta paying for the entirety of the existence of Canada is no longer the case. 

They’re still the biggest contributor in per capita terms by far. It’s the richest province by a significant margin. But Ontario is no longer aging into obsolescence at the pace that it was because of the influx of immigrants that has generated its own set of problems. But that specific problem has been mitigated somewhat. 

The problem is, is that if Alberta were to achieve independence, it would very rapidly become a failed state. It would be a one trick pony with its energy economy. The currency would probably go through the roof because of it, and the place would become vastly unaffordable. The only real long term solution would then be for Alberta to join the United States. 

Now, no one in MAGA is talking about that. Very few people in Alberta are talking about that. But that’s really the only long term solution here from an economic inflation, a population of skills and an infrastructure point of view. There’s just that little cultural issue about whether you want to actually join the United States. So we have MAGA, basically stirring the pot to see the kind of problems they can generate in Alberta, specifically in Canada in general. 

But no one’s really thought about what’s the next step, should they actually win? That’s a problem anyway. Third piece impact on the United States for not having Canada in NAFTA. One of the beautiful things, from my point of view about NAFTA is we get access to the workers in the industrial plant of our neighbors, but we don’t have to pay for their education or their social welfare system, or their health care or the law enforcement. 

We just get all the benefits. So when I look at Canada, I basically see a country of 35, 38 million people, whatever the number is now, but it’s actually more tightly. Each of the provinces is more tightly integrated in the United States than ever with one another. And we get the benefit of that in our industrial base to serve our domestic needs, to serve our export markets, whatever it happens to be. 

And we don’t have to pay for any of it. So we know that the Trump administration is deeply hostile to, Canada’s presence in specifically aerospace and automotive, which are two big, big ticket items when it comes to manufacturing and trade. And it’s been very, very blunt and saying that Canada, you’re going to lose all of that. It’s all going to come back to the United States. 

But that would mean then that we need to train up a replacement workforce and build replacement infrastructure for stuff that already exists north of the border. And considering we’re just a few years from the Chinese breakdown and the breakdown in global trade in general, I would honestly say we don’t have the time to mess around with something like that. 

And even more importantly, we need to take the energy that we would have to build out that industrial plant to build up other industrial plant that we need even more. We’re already an environment of a labor market that is going to be shrinking for the next decade for demographic reasons, two decades, actually, and we just don’t have the labor or the capital, to be perfectly honest. 

That the green space in the industrial parks right now and do all of this at the same time. And so if the Canadians want to continue paying for their health care and their infrastructure and their training in order to help our industrial plant, I say let them, well, go that way. You know, we’ll see. 

NAFTA is the most complicated trade deal on the planet because it deals with all the technical details of 10,000 different product steps. The person who is handling the negotiations is the US TR who is Jamison Greer? He’s seen this before. This is not the first time that Donald Trump has pushed trade negotiations into a different direction. 

If you go back to Trump won the US, TR was a guy by the name of Robert Lighthizer famous for playing hardball. Very good negotiator. Jamison Greer is his protege. So Greer has seen the inside of this process already, even if his name wasn’t on it. And last time around, Lighthizer talked with the Mexicans quite a bit before forcing a deal on the Canadians. 

So whatever deal comes out of this is one that the Canadians, while very, very little leverage and independently of the fact that the current administration really doesn’t like Canada, that’s just the nature of the beast. It’s the nature of the people. It’s the nature of the future of Mexico. And while there are certainly things that we absolutely can do more easily with Canada as part of the process, that doesn’t necessarily mean that’s the way it’s going to go, because if there’s one thing you know about Americans in general and this administration specifically, we don’t always do the obvious thing.

Russia’s Ukraine War Lessons Are Hitting the Gulf

Qatar and Persian Gulf Region on a Map | Photo licensed by Envato Elements

Russia is taking what they’ve learned on the battlefield in the Ukraine War and sharing that with Iran. This is not a new strategy for the Russians, but it is already spelling trouble for the US.

Iran’s Shahed deployment and targeting are improving, thanks to tactics like launching swarms of drones with varying flight paths. These strategies are rapidly exhausting missile defenses in the Persian Gulf.

Prefer to read the transcript? Click here

Transcript

Okay. Today we’re going to talk about drone targeting specifically in the context of Iran. And there Shaheed. So last week we learned, you know, shocked anyone who’s been paying attention that the Russians have been providing the Iranians with targeting information since the beginning of the war. The Russians have been providing all of America’s foes with targeting information, going back to the early days of the war on terror. 

That’s not a surprise. But what’s come out in the last 24 hours, roughly, is the degree to which the Russians are sharing their war lessons that they’ve learned at the expense of the Ukrainians in the Ukraine war. So the weapons system in play is an Iranian shaheed. It’s a really stupid drone where you have a small Nand chip that’s a slow memory chip that doesn’t necessarily require power to hold on to its memory. 

You program in a preset parameter preset flight route and it flies from A to B following the course you’ve identified. And then if it’s a really advanced shithead and most of them are at it, then can execute a very limited decision tree. Like is this a car or is that a boat? Is that a tree or do I want to hit and it’ll try to hit one of those things. 

Otherwise it just kind of angles down and crashes into something. Well, what the Russians have learned is that if they take their heads and fly them in groups in batches, that, not only ensures that one of them will get through air defense, it makes it actually harder for the air defense to pick out an individual target. So oftentimes you have to fire more interceptors than you would if they just came at you one at a time. 

The additional thing that the Russians are sharing is kind of a weave strategy, because you can preprogram in the route. What you do is you preprogram in a slightly different route for each head. So they kind of weave in and out of formation up, down, left, right, whatever it happens to be. That makes it much harder for air defense to kind of get a lock. 

And you have to use even more interceptors. And we now know that that specific strategy that they developed for dealing with Ukrainians has now been applied to Iranian showerheads that are being used against American and allied targets in the Persian Gulf. The issue here, of course, is pretty straightforward and short term. The western Gulf is running out of interceptors, and anything that forces the defenders to use more and more of them while the shitheads just keep coming, means that the time where they actually run out of Anti-drone weaponry is coming upon us very, very quickly, perhaps as little as a week or two. 

We don’t know the specific number because the Western Gulf is are consider the number of interceptors they have used and the number they have left to be national security secrets. So it’s kind of a just a guessing game. But there were only about 2000 of them total at the beginning of the war. Or it’s been going on for two weeks. 

And we know that the Iranians have fired at least 2000 shitheads at this point, probably closer to 3000. And they just keep coming. So we’re very close to the point where the Western Gulf is going to run out of defensive firepower and courtesy of the Russians, they’re going to have pretty good targeting information. Just come on in and hit whatever they want.

The U.S. Dollar: Short vs. Long Term

Photo of US dollar

Before anybody asks, no, the following is NOT financial advice. The U.S. dollar is constantly in the spotlight, so where is it heading?

Over the long term, the U.S. dollar is well-positioned to rise. Four main factors are driving this: U.S. naval dominance to secure global trade, favorable demographics, abundant food and energy resources, and the need to expand manufacturing. Each of these suggests durable economic strength.

But in the short term, current policy is driving the dollar downward. Before the Iran war, things like immigration limits, tariffs, regulatory uncertainty, and eroding business confidence all weakened the dollar. The Iran war has brought a temporary lift, albeit a marginal one, as investors seek safety.

Prefer to read the transcript? Click here

Transcript

Hey all, Peter Zeihan here coming to you from Colorado. Today we’re going to talk about the US dollar and where it’s going to go short and long term. Again this is not not not investment advice. This is just where the geopolitics say that we’re going. First let’s talk long term because it’s a really simple story. As a rule, a country’s currency tracks its economic strength and its durability. 

And by that measure, the United States dollar really has nowhere to go but up for the next several decades. The big factor is, number one, the US military is the one that rules the seas. And even if everybody else were to put their militaries together, their navies together, and sail them against the United States, we’d probably only need two, maybe three aircraft carrier battle groups to take the whole thing down. 

Also, with very, very, very few exceptions, single digit exceptions, there are no ships, frigate navies, ships out there that have the capacity to even reach the United States. So the United States can go there, do whatever it wants, but nobody can come here. And that allows us to be the arbiter of really whatever it wants to be. Number two, demographics. 

As much as we are facing a demographic crunch at the moment, specifically is the baby boomers, which are the largest generation we’ve ever had, are now almost entirely retired. Our boomers had kids. We call them millennials, and they are now in the height of their consumption years. And then for the next 20 years, they’ll be at the height of their production years. 

And so we know we still have a relatively strong, stable and balanced economy moving forward that doesn’t exist in very many places elsewhere in the world. So whether you’re in Germany or China or Japan or Korea or Spain or Italy or Poland, we’re looking at a country where they basically already aged out. 

And there aren’t a lot of people under 50 relative to those over 50. So you know that the United States is really the only first world country of size, with the possible exception of New Zealand, where there really is a demographic story for normal economics going forward for the next several decades. Number three, resources. The United States is the only first world country with the exceptions of Australia and Norway and Canada, that are massive, not just producers, but exporters of food and energy products, which without those you can’t have a modern system. 

That doesn’t simply mean that cash is constantly flowing into the American network. It means that the United States never really has to worry about the building blocks of what it takes to make a modern economy functional. All right, what else? 

the last item is kind of, strength from weakness. Because of globalization, the United States is hollowed out a little bit when it comes to manufacturing. We still produce the most value out of manufacturing of any country in the world. But as the Chinese are facing demographic and geopolitical pressures and eventually will fade away, the United States needs to expand its manufacturing footprint massively, at least double it in order to prepare for that circumstance. 

That’s an inflationary story, but it’s also a massive growth story. So those four things together, the need to expand the manufacturing plant, the commodities position, the military position, the demographic position. This tells me that the US dollar has nowhere to go but up for decades. But that’s then, we all live in the now, and we have a lot of problems in the short term that are taking us absolutely the opposite direction. 

And all of those are caused by policy. So first up, the Trump administration’s decision to basically make immigration into the United States impossible. We have gone in the last 12 months from the first world country with the fastest growing population to something near the bottom. And for the first time in American history, 2025, we actually saw the US population drop. 

That is putting huge pressure on labor markets, especially when it comes to things like construction and health care that are slowing American growth, raising costs and pushing the dollar down. Second, the tariff policy, despite what it claims, it’s actually making manufacturing a lot more difficult in the United States. You see, there’s kind of two broad categories of manufacturing. 

Your relatively simple value add, like things like, say, furniture or making glue where there are only a half a dozen steps. And if you have a high flat tariff, you try to then move those steps into your country and consolidate. But then you have more complex manufacturing, like cars and computers and airplanes that have hundreds, if not thousands, if not tens of thousands of steps. 

And there is no country in the world where those are all under one roof. So if you put a high tariff in, then every intermediate good has to pay the tariff and it just makes more sense to move as many of those steps outside of the tariff umbrella as you possibly can, and then just import the finished product at the end, because then you only have to pay the tariff once. 

So what we’ve been seeing over the last year is industrial construction spending in the United States. Drop drop drop drop drop drop drop drop drop. And the only reason it hasn’t plunge is people are hoping, praying against all odds, that the Trump administration will eventually back down and these tariffs will go away. We’re now coming up on a year since they were put in place. 

We’ll hit that anniversary in the first week of April and we’ll probably see the drop off accelerate. So that boom, I was talking about where we needed to double our industrial plant. We’re actually going in the opposite direction right now, and that is forcing the United States to import to cover everything. And so we see the dollar going down. 

The third issue is how easy is it to do business in your country? The Republicans have traditionally been the pro-business, low regulation crowd, and the Trump administration has said that it’s not going to enforce the regulations that are on the book. It’s basically asking companies to lie on their tax forms and ignore the government’s policies as they currently stand. 

You see, there’s a big difference between Trump two and Trump one. In Trump one, they brought in people who knew about deregulation, and they had this idea that for every new regulation that came in, five had to be removed. And so we actually saw meaningful deregulation. But with this new administration, they haven’t brought in those people. 

They’re just not allowing new regulations to go in. So the old regulations from previous administrations are still there. And the people who would go through and winnow them out are not there. And we no longer have the capacity to implement new ones. So the regulatory structure is becoming slowly ever more divorced from the economic realities of the country. 

And there’s no one in place to fix that. So companies are being asked to just ignore the whole thing and saying that there won’t be any legal repercussions for that. At the same time as the, the legal structure becomes almost irrelevant to where we are now. On top of that, with the tariffs, we’ve now had over 5000 tariff changes since April 2nd of last year. 

The the game board is changing every day and companies literally don’t know what to do. And the collective decision is to try to do as little as possible. So while the rhetoric may say one thing, this is actually the most anti-business administration that the United States has had in my life. And business confidence and business activity and business expansion are all dropping instead of rising. All of those are bad for the dollar. 

And finally, there is a rule of law problem. The Republican Party is not what it once was. Donald Trump has exercised a number of factions national security securities, fiscal conservatives, business conservatives from the coalition and has actively campaigned against their champions in Congress. And what’s going on with Immigration and Customs Enforcement is a real big issue. 

Seeing Ice in places like Minneapolis has really jarred the business community, because they’ve always counted on the US government to enforce rule of law. We don’t have that anymore. In fact, Ice is operating in a way that every police chief has always told his or her officers to never do. You know, you’re never supposed to argue with the judge. 

You’re never supposed to argue with the prosecutors. You’re never supposed to recruit from gangs. You’re never supposed to wear a mask. You’re never supposed to draw a gun first. And no one really knows where federal law enforcement is going to be unless you’re looking at the FBI under a guy by the name of Cash Patel, who’s basically a conspiracy theorist. 

So the idea that there’s this stable structure undergirding everything that the federal government does is now gone, and businesses just don’t know how to react at all. You add in record deficit spending and the implications for the dollar are down, down, down, down, down. So we kind of have this perfect storm in the short run that is pushing the U.S. dollar down, even against the overarching long term trends that are pushing the dollar up. 

So I have no doubt that over decades, the dollar will rise and continue to. But I also have no doubt that over months the dollar will drop because the federal government is now actively, loudly declaring that that is their express goal. Now, the idea behind what the Trump administration is saying about dollar policy is their idea is that if the dollar gets weaker, then U.S. exports will increase. 

And ultimately, that’s one of the metrics that Donald Trump is obsessed with. But that also means for a country that imports manufactured products, it also means that we are looking at significantly higher inflation as a result of that policy in the short run. So short run, if you’re a dollar bull, it’s going to be a really rough ride if you’re a consumer. 

Things look a little rough because we’re seeing fewer products produced in the United States, and we’re seeing a hollowing out of the high end employment base that does the high end manufacturing that we’ve always excelled at. That might make good for exporters a little bit, but in the long run, we’re looking at a very different economic structure. And of course, as with everything, the challenge of getting from here to there is where we all live. 

And now an update. We’ve recorded this video before the Iran war started, and if you want to talk about something that threw a shock into the system to underline that there really wasn’t an option out there for financial investment. Outside the United States, this is what did it. And so we’ve seen the United States dollar rise over the last couple of weeks versus every major currency except for, I think, one, I think Canada is holding in there because it’s basically integrated with the U.S. system. 

However, I will underline that, markets are behaving grudgingly in this regard. They really don’t want to put their money in the U.S. dollar because of some of the policies that we have out of the Trump administration right now. So while, yes, the US dollar is rising versus pretty much everybody, only at a moderate pace, in most countries it’s 2% or less over two weeks of war. 

And now the Persian Gulf being shut for the entire time, it should be double digits. But there’s really only three markets where you’re seeing more than this 2% change. You’ve got Korea, which is uniquely exposed, South Africa, whose economy has always been really, wild and, erratic. And Indonesia, where the markets are relatively illiquid for a market of its size. 

So, yes, we are definitely looking at the long term effect here of the US dollar having nowhere to go but up. But also we’re seeing the damaging effects of the short term of no one really trusting to put their money in the United States system and showing that it has nowhere to go but down. The result is, at the moment, in a moment of global crisis, surprisingly small gains for the US dollar. 

I would love to say that the surprises me. It does not.

The Shield of the Americas

Silhouetted soldier against a black background

Trump has launched a new regional security initiative called the Shield of the Americas. This partners with several Latin American leaders that Trump likes to target drug cartels throughout LATAM.

The U.S. would utilize special forces and intelligence teams to carry this out. While they could target cartel leaders, labs, and trafficking nodes, as long as there is demand in the North, the drug trade will persist.

Eliminating the industry would require massive troop commitments, resulting in significant political consequences. And even then, the drugs would find a way to keep flowing.

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Transcript

Hey, everybody, Peter Zeihan here. Coming to you from Colorado. And today we’re going to talk about what went down to the white House over the weekend. 

Specifically, there’s this new grouping called shield of the Americas that Donald Trump has initiated between the United States and a number of Latin American countries that he considers ideological allies. So, by the way, that the Latin Americans use the term further to the right, so not including Colombia or Brazil, but concluding places like El Salvador or Trinidad and Tobago or Argentina. 

Keep in mind that what means left and right in Latin America is a little bit different from what it means here in the United States, but the Trump administration has not picked up on that. Bygones. Second that to all of these governments, just like any other democracy, switch back and forth. So this is an alliance, an alignment of the moment. 

And first thing, you should not count on the current roster of countries being what is there tomorrow or the next day, or much less the day after. There are always elections going on. We won Columbia this summer. That is probably going to be quite significant. 

And so the roster moves. But what is more important about the Shield of Americas, is not so much the Secretariat or any idea of policy. There’s no talk of trade deals. It’s all all about security cooperation. And the idea is that the Trump administration has decided it wants to take the U.S. military, push it into Latin America specifically to go after drug smuggling organizations. Now, back story. Historically speaking, the United States involvement in Latin America has been somewhat limited unless there is a third party from out of hemisphere operating the whole concept of the Monroe Doctrine is it’s not so much that this is our hemisphere, but it’s certainly not your hemisphere. 

So whether it was the Germans or the Soviets or the Chinese or whatever, there’s always been a degree of built in American hostility to anyone on the outside pushing in here. That doesn’t necessarily mean that the United States is dominant economically, although there are periods in the history where that has happened. Second, with the United States is in the process, independent of Trump, exemplified by Trump of contracting its footprint and its interests in the Eastern Hemisphere. 

Now we can have a conversation of whether that’s smart or not, but politically, it’s very popular on both sides of the aisle to bring the boys home and to be less involved in trade on a global basis. I would argue that’s mostly self-defeating, and guarantees will get drawn into something bigger later. But, you know, I’m only one guy. 

If 330 million of us, my vote isn’t all that big. What it does mean, however, is that if you take the United States military and all of a sudden it’s not obsessed with the Eastern Hemisphere, and a lot of the forces come home, and of course, it’s going to be used more aggressively in the Western Hemisphere. And since there’s no country in the Western Hemisphere that’s even remotely capable of fielding a force that is of any conventional threat to the United States, then the question is, what are you going to use the tools for? 

They may have been designed for Islamic fundamentalism or the Chinese army or whatever it happened to be, but if they’re here, they’re going to be applied to different threats. And the threat of international drug trafficking organizations is obviously a significant one that everyone agrees is a problem. We just all agree on what to do with it. I would argue that the simple way to destroy all of these organizations overnight is just just not do cocaine. 

But again, I’m only one vote of 330 million. So we now have the Trump administration and at least 14 other governments, at least on the surface, agreeing to deploy American forces throughout the hemisphere to combat these cartels. Now, two things. Number one, as I said originally, the roster is going to change. And so you’re going to see a lot of small bases and coordination facilities popping up and then going away after an election and then popping up again after the next election. 

And that means we’re not talking about a regular army, and probably not even the Marines, because the type of permanent footprint that’s necessary for those two institutions is in the billions of dollars of investment. And you can’t just come and go and come and go and expect it to be useful at all. It takes months to deploy the Army in a meaningful way. 

Marines a little bit faster, but not by a lot. This is not a job for the Navy and aircraft carriers. This is much more specific. Once you limit what you can do with bases, and that means facilities that are small. And then if they get folded up tomorrow, it’s no big deal. Which means that the entire American deployment for this sort of thing is going to be special forces, whether it is the Green Berets or the Rangers or the Seals or the CIA. 

Now that community, the Special Forces community, has more than doubled the number of operators they’ve had as an outcome of the war on terror, because you never knew where you needed to drop in a small team of a dozen people. Now that the war on terror is over, I don’t want to say that the Special Forces Command has nothing to do, but they’ve gone from having a long grading war where they’ve been working in tandem with over 100,000 Americans deployed in combat situations, throughout the Middle East to all of a sudden that’s gone. 

And so they have become the premier force for the American president, whoever that happens to be, to address whatever issue happens to be coming up in the world or to a degree, deniable, they’re small, they’re agile, they’re lethal, they’re very skilled. They have a long logistical tail. But that means that at the point of the spear is a lot of force behind it. 

So when you look at things like Latin America, you think of drug cartels. This is really the perfect tool for the job, independent of the fact that it’s twice as big as it used to be. It depends on the fact that they’re actually very good at what they do. The only problem, and it’s not a really big one from my point of view, is that they’ve been training for something else for 25 years now. 

There’s not a lot of desert territory in Latin America where there’s drug trafficking. You’re talking primarily mountains. You’re talking primarily jungle or jungle mountains. That means we’re probably going to be seeing the teams deployed throughout the length and the breadth of the region. The question and only Donald Trump can answer this question right now is whether or not you’re going to deploy them exclusively in places where you have a degree of political cover and agreement with the host country. 

In a place like El Salvador, pretty easy. El Salvador is not a major drug trafficking location in places like Colombia, where the government is currently kind of hostile. That’s a different question. As a rule, when Latin American countries realize they have a cartel problem, they’re usually pretty enthusiastic about working with the United States on security matters. But it’s always been a step of remove. 

So, for example, if you look at Plan Colombia, which was the deal we cut with the Colombians in the early 2000, we shipped a lot of equipment, we provided a lot of Intel work. We provided some naval support, but it was always Colombian boots on the ground doing the actual grunt work. And in doing so, it ended their Civil War and led to a collapse in cocaine production. 

You’re not going to do that with ten special forces teams. You can go after specific nodes. You can go after specific production sites, you can go after specific people. But we’re talking about an industry here. The drug industry gets tens of billions of dollars. And as long as there’s demand north of the border in the United States for these products, special forces are not going to be able to change the math to a huge degree. 

That’s the second problem. The third problem is really much bigger. And that’s Mexico, in Mexico, with the current government in Colombia. Shame bomb. We have a government that is much more willing to work with the United States, even in the United States, as being a bully. But you’re talking about where the cartels, the big ones, originated. 

And while they are in the process of fracturing because their leaderships have been removed, all of the economics that are still pushing the cocaine north are still there. And so you’re talking about having to do something like not special forces, but actually deploying tens of thousands of troops in order to impose a security reality. Here’s the thing. We’ve tried that if you go back to the Afghan war, at its height, we had 90,000 troops there. 

And while they were trying to hold the country together to fight the war on terror, heroin production increased. Because you can only be so many places once Mexico is over twice the size of Afghanistan, Mexico has over twice the population of Afghanistan. And so even if we were to put a couple hundred thousand troops in Mexico, I really doubt it would be enough to change the overall economics of drugs. 

Anyway, bottom line of all of this is, while the United States can’t solve these problems, as long as there is an insatiable source of narcotics demand, it does have some tools that allow it to interfere in the region in a really deep piercing, meaningful way. The question is whether or not the political and economic side effects of that are worth the perceived benefits. 

Mild disruption of cocaine production, transiting versus breaking the political relationship that allows, say, the trade relationship to happen. Because Mexico is by far our largest trading partner and will be for the remainder of my life, and without them in the American trading network, everything we need to do gets a lot more difficult.